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Welcome to Keith Knight, Don't 
Tread on Anyone and the 

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Libertarian Institute. 
Today I'm joined by Doctor Phil 

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Magnus to discuss Thomas Sowell.
So often I hear from the critics

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that he is a pop economist that 
no intellectual actually 

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respects. 
So I thought I'd get us an 

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intellectual to see what 
contributions, if any, has 

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Thomas Sowell given the world. 
Dr. Magnus, thank you for your 

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time. 
Thanks for having me. 

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What is Thomas Sowell's greatest
contribution in the field of 

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economics? 
When you come across a statement

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he's just a pop economist, what 
comes to mind as his best 

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achievement? 
Well, when I hear a statement 

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like that, my immediate thought 
is this is someone who hasn't 

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read Thomas Sowell beyond maybe 
a superficial delving into some 

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of his political op eds. 
This is someone who isn't 

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familiar with his academic and 
scholarly background because if 

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you actually look at Thomas 
Saul's work, turns out he is a 

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multi faceted economist with 
essentially 1/2 century of 

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scholarly works as well as 
popular works to his name. 

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And this really goes back to his
earliest forays into the 

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profession, you know, back in 
the 1960s. 

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He makes his name as a historian
of economic thought, working in 

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particular on what He starts as 
a Marxist and does write several

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papers, including in some top 
journals analyzing Marxist 

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economics. 
But then he shifts his focus to 

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the topic of his dissertation, 
which is Jean Baptiste, the 

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Classical economist, and writes 
a well regarded scholarly 

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manuscript on that. 
I know he does shift later in 

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his career into taking up 
questions of cultural economics,

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some of the philosophical 
underpinning of economic 

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evaluation and visions of the 
world. 

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He even writes a book 
essentially assessing price 

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theory as an economic term. 
But it's again, it's a multi 

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faceted polymath of a scholar 
who is dug into a wide variety 

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of topics, all of which he seems
to approach with a very 

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penetrating scholarly lens, at 
least certainly in his books and

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and journal articles. 
You do get distillations of that

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in some of his op eds and 
popular writing, but that's 

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exactly what offense and popular
writing are supposed to do. 

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One of my favorite things that I
learned from Seoul is just how 

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to analyze claims that are given
to you. 

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So if someone says what wages 
have stagnated, what Thomas 

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Seoul does is he looks at the 
data that Robert Reich provides 

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and says, well, according to 
this, wages have stagnated. 

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The problem is you're not 
focusing on individuals. 

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You're focusing on groups that 
go in and out of certain 

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categories. 
I say in my book, this is the I 

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summarize Thomas Sowell's basic 
economic section like this. 

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I said, imagine a guy goes to 
see how college kids age. 

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So in the year 1980, he goes to 
a college and all the freshmen 

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are 18 years old. 
He comes back 40 years later and

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all the freshmen are still 18 
years old. 

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So people at this college don't 
age at all. 

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Like, well, what happens is 
people go in and out of this age

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group. 
People go in this income bracket

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for a very short amount of time 
and then gain on the job skills 

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and then work themselves up. 
So yes, the Robert Reich example

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doesn't count because you're not
actually following individuals. 

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Never. 
It took me 10 years before I 

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ever heard someone say, does 
this follow individuals or 

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groups which people move in and 
out of when it comes to incomes 

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or economics? 
What can Thomas Soul teach us? 

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Yeah. 
So this is a fascinating feature

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of souls approach to economics. 
He is an interlocutor of myths. 

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He's a debunker of myths. 
And he he tends to take a social

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scientific approach to it, but 
does so in a very accessible 

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way. 
Like you just explained, he 

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likes to study patterns over 
time, but doing so on terms and 

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parameters that reflect reality,
not terms and parameters that 

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reflect just a statistical 
relic. 

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So, you know, an example you 
just gave, he is debunking a 

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statistical relic by bringing in
another dimension that was 

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neglected in the original 
presentation of the same data. 

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And he has done this in a 
multitude of of areas of social 

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science, one that I like to to 
draw attention to. 

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Seoul is actually a very 
powerful debunker of what I 

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would call the pseudo scientific
claims that emerged in the mid 

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20th century trying to link race
and intelligence and other 

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certain characteristics. 
Again done on a very collective 

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basis trying to group an entire 
race or nationality and assert 

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that maybe this group is less 
intelligent than the other or 

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vice versa. 
Souls answer to that was not 

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just to scream and shout, hey, 
this is a racist approach even 

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though it is and then dismissed 
it out of hand. 

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Is is said, let's dig deeper 
into the data and we can 

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actually find other dimensions 
that are not accounted for and 

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the people that are asserting 
this correlation. 

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And that is if you start 
treating people as individuals 

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and you looked at historical 
antecedents, historical 

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examples. 
So one of his most famous works 

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on this as he looks at the 
history of immigrant communities

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that come to the United States 
and their level of achievement 

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over time, but looking at them 
at an individual basis, and he 

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finds there's a historical 
pattern. 

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People that arrive in poverty, 
say in like the late 19th 

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century, over the course of a 
couple generations, you start 

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measuring educational and 
economic attainment. 

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They rise out of poverty. 
It completely debunks the notion

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that there's some genetic 
characteristic that a afflicts 

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certain immigrant groups or 
ethnicities or nationalities or 

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races. 
And, and he's basically saying 

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when we see examples of this 
argued in the present day, we 

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have to look to the historical 
antecedents to it. 

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We actually see that there are 
other patterns and and this 

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simply means that we're at a 
certain stage of the pattern. 

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I forget what God he's written 
so much. 

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I can't remember where he says 
this. 

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I thought that he sort of 
explained income mobility 

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through immigrant groups that 
come to America, start poor and 

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overtime get richer. 
But I thought he said that that 

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just could be a selection 
process. 

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There's only very few smart, you
know, people from this country, 

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they come here and they lift 
themselves out of poverty, but 

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that's a selection process. 
I remember his race and IQ thing

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being there was a, there were 
intelligence tests in the First 

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World War where black, black 
Northerners and white 

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southerners. 
Black northerners outscored 

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white Southerners in a number of
ways. 

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So you could just what he 
basically did was he took people

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with similar cultures, different
races, but similar cultures. 

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That was his variable. 
That's what I couldn't remember.

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Was there anything else in the 
race and IQ thing that he used? 

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Because I think that gets a 
little more attention today, 

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yeah. 
Yeah. 

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So especially looked into 
immigrant groups from Eastern 

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Europe and Southern Europe that 
at the time were discriminated 

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against visa be Northwestern 
Europe. 

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A lot of the immigration laws at
the time tended to favor 

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Northwestern Europeans and 
deprecated other groups that 

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were immigrating to the United 
States. 

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And and again, he studies data 
and he finds similar debunking 

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patterns in here. 
So there's a there's an 

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interesting characteristic when 
he's taking on these questions 

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of like race and IQ, he doesn't 
just dismiss wrong research out 

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of hand, he debunks it. 
He goes through and it and tries

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to scrutinize errors of logic, 
errors of thinking, errors of 

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statistical inference that have 
occurred and LED people on these

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straight paths. 
And then doing so in such a way 

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that corrects the 
interpretation. 

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And you know, lo and behold, his
correction actually verifies a a

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much stronger position argument 
against the race and IQ types of

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of people literature than you 
would find by just dismissing 

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them out of hand. 
I want to read my favorite 

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immigration quote from Seoul, 
and then I want you to tell me 

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whatever topic comes to mind for
another great soul contribution,

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he says. 
In civil rights rhetoric or 

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reality, Japanese immigrants to 
the United States also 

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encountered persistent and 
escalating discrimination, 

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culminating in their mass 
internment during World War 2. 

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But by 1959, they had equaled 
the income of whites, and by 

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1969, Japanese American families
were earning nearly one third 

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higher incomes than the average 
American family. 

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It's not all doom and gloom, 
ladies and gentlemen. 

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You can't apply yourself. 
Progress is real, people. 

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And that's exactly the case. 
And he's also referring to this 

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in a time when there's a 
breakdown in racial barriers 

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that are sustained and imposed 
by the state. 

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You know, racial discrimination 
is often an instrument of the 

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state. 
Segregation is certainly the 

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case. 
Japanese internment was 

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certainly the case and he's 
pointing out these are 

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government actions that 
reinforced race racist norms at 

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the time. 
But as you start to break them 

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down, you actually see that the 
racist norm is undermined as 

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well as the discriminatory 
mechanism. 

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So this and this is a recurring 
theme in Souls work. 

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It's also a very thorny area of 
social commentary, but one that 

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he applies pretty rigorous 
economic analysis. 

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You know, he's, he comes out of 
that Chicago School tradition 

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that looks at discrimination as 
an economic mechanism as well as

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a social one. 
And, and, you know, when you 

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consider it that way, 
considering it through the tools

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of economics, you often find 
explanations that are at odds 

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with political analysis of the 
same subject. 

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And Seoul is, you know, somewhat
notorious for picking fights 

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with the sacred cows of the 
political establishment, 

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political literature and doing 
so on economic terms. 

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So, you know, he gets a lot of 
criticism and and push back in 

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that area precisely because he's
added a different way of 

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understanding some of the same 
problems. 

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And it's a way that's less 
ideological. 

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It's a way that's less wedded to
prejudicial precepts that people

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bring into the question. 
He has a book, Black Rednecks 

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and White Liberals. 
I'm sorry, I'm there. 

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I've been sick. 
He summarizes his thesis in 

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Economic Facts and Fallacies. 
He says many of the social or 

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cultural differences between 
American blacks and American 

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whites nationwide today were in 
antebellum times pointed out as 

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differences between white 
Southerners and white 

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Northerners. 
These include ways of talking, 

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rates of crime and violence, 
children born out of wedlock, 

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educational attainment and 
economic initiative or lack 

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thereof. 
So he's telling you that there's

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a big cultural aspect. 
It's always important to say, 

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gosh, I really wish the system 
would change. 

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I wish Lindsey Graham would go 
do the right thing in Congress 

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for the first time in his entire
life, but it turns out you don't

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have to wait. 
You can embrace cultural traits 

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that make you more successful 
when it comes to the cultural 

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aspect of things. 
What are Souls contributions 

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here? 
Well, here he's writing at a 

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time when I'd say the academic 
focus on on race and culture has

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gone in a very different 
direction. 

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And remember, Seoul is an 
economist of the mid to late 

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20th century United States is 
when his his most active 

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commentary period is his most 
active scholarly contributions 

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come from that era. 
Now he's writing in a time when 

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the other major economic 
contributions to the study of 

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race and culture come from 
figures on the far left. 

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Someone like Gunnar Meredall has
Nobel laureate, shares the Nobel

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with Hayek even though they're 
very different in their 

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viewpoints, writes this multi 
volume work called The American 

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Dilemma, which is a purported 
analysis like a sociological 

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socio economic analysis of the 
status of African Americans in 

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the mid 20th century. 
And it has some interesting 

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insights. 
But Miradol is very complicated 

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as a figure because he's also a 
die hard eugenicist. 

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He believes that there are 
genetic traits that cause and 

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are related to poverty and not 
just a eugenicist against black 

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people. 
He's also a eugenicist. 

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He's a Swedish, so he is 
involved in the creation of 

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Swedish eugenics laws and 
sterilization laws with him and 

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his wife. 
So he's importing kind of this 

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this viewpoint that there is a 
social determinism between 

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heredity and intelligence, 
economic ability. 

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And he takes the same framework 
and he applies it in the very 

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progressive left wing way to the
United States. 

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Seoul was an individualist. 
He's coming in and he's 

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basically offering an analysis 
of some of the same problems, 

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same issues, but doing so in a 
way that explicitly rejects this

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scientific determinism that's 
coming out of the predominantly 

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in the political left at the 
time. 

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Now, we do know in the 20th 
century, the far left and the 

234
00:14:15,560 --> 00:14:18,400
far right often converge. 
And it, you know what I like to 

235
00:14:18,400 --> 00:14:20,880
call the, the horseshoe of 
eugenic theory. 

236
00:14:21,080 --> 00:14:24,080
It's both a progressive idea and
something that's adopted by the 

237
00:14:24,080 --> 00:14:28,600
racial obsessed right at various
points in history. 

238
00:14:29,400 --> 00:14:32,440
And you have a figure like Seoul
who would reject both. 

239
00:14:33,480 --> 00:14:37,800
Seoul offers an individualistic 
retort to the collective 

240
00:14:38,440 --> 00:14:41,280
approaches of the far left and 
the far right and then studying 

241
00:14:41,320 --> 00:14:44,040
race essentially. 
Yes. 

242
00:14:44,040 --> 00:14:49,960
So I believe he says we can 
dismiss this. 

243
00:14:51,160 --> 00:14:55,040
The races have inherent 
intelligence, and this is just 

244
00:14:55,040 --> 00:14:56,360
the way things are going to be 
forever. 

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00:14:56,360 --> 00:15:00,760
By saying at one point, Baghdad 
led the world in scientific 

246
00:15:00,760 --> 00:15:04,520
discoveries. 
China led the world in in 

247
00:15:04,960 --> 00:15:08,400
innovations and contributions. 
The British people were a 

248
00:15:08,400 --> 00:15:11,560
primitive island during the time
of the Roman Empire. 

249
00:15:11,680 --> 00:15:15,120
Sometime later, the people of 
Britain ran the world. 

250
00:15:15,320 --> 00:15:18,960
There's a massive disparity 
between Western Europeans and 

251
00:15:18,960 --> 00:15:22,040
Eastern Europeans, bigger than 
the difference between black and

252
00:15:22,040 --> 00:15:24,680
white Americans. 
So once you see this, it's just 

253
00:15:24,680 --> 00:15:27,200
so encouraging to know that 
there's not. 

254
00:15:27,200 --> 00:15:30,280
Everything's within our power. 
But there's much more than just 

255
00:15:30,280 --> 00:15:34,280
this stagnation. 
You have tweeted about Thomas 

256
00:15:34,280 --> 00:15:39,800
Ole's research on Marxism. 
I that book I have not read so 

257
00:15:40,000 --> 00:15:42,920
I'm hoping he mentions it 
violates the non aggression 

258
00:15:42,920 --> 00:15:45,000
principle and that's why Marxism
is bad. 

259
00:15:45,160 --> 00:15:47,320
Why is Thomas Soul against 
Marxism? 

260
00:15:47,640 --> 00:15:50,920
Well, a big part of it is he 
actually starts out his academic

261
00:15:50,920 --> 00:15:55,880
career as a convinced Marxist. 
He's he's against Marxism 

262
00:15:55,880 --> 00:15:58,680
because he's actually been 
through the motions of studying 

263
00:15:58,680 --> 00:16:02,040
Marx in death some of his 
earliest academic work. 

264
00:16:02,200 --> 00:16:05,160
He writes a couple of journal 
articles that are exploring 

265
00:16:05,160 --> 00:16:08,480
dimensions of Marxist theory, 
surplus value, all the all the 

266
00:16:08,480 --> 00:16:13,680
usual standard canards of 
Marxist economics. 

267
00:16:14,040 --> 00:16:18,040
And he actually comes to and 
arrives at a position of 

268
00:16:18,160 --> 00:16:23,320
rejecting this when he sees 
central planning at work through

269
00:16:23,320 --> 00:16:26,120
his own professional career. 
You know, he spends some time 

270
00:16:26,640 --> 00:16:29,200
studying labor economics. 
He also spends time in the 

271
00:16:29,200 --> 00:16:31,320
military. 
He spends time in the 

272
00:16:31,320 --> 00:16:35,800
bureaucracy. 
And he sees elements of planning

273
00:16:35,800 --> 00:16:38,320
at play in each of these. 
And they start causing him to 

274
00:16:38,320 --> 00:16:41,400
question his precepts. 
He also tells a story that, you 

275
00:16:41,400 --> 00:16:44,320
know, when he arrives at the 
University of Chicago, he was 

276
00:16:44,320 --> 00:16:47,000
still a committed Marxist even 
through Milton Friedman's 

277
00:16:47,000 --> 00:16:49,120
classes. 
But it's, it's actually these 

278
00:16:49,120 --> 00:16:52,880
observations of the real world 
that caused him to to 

279
00:16:53,160 --> 00:16:56,960
essentially turn on Marxist 
ideas and conclude that this is 

280
00:16:56,960 --> 00:17:00,040
just not a viable system of 
economic thinking. 

281
00:17:00,200 --> 00:17:03,800
Planning does not work. 
He eventually comes around to 

282
00:17:03,800 --> 00:17:06,880
kind of a more Hayekian view 
that I think is implicit in a 

283
00:17:06,880 --> 00:17:10,960
lot of his that his writings, 
especially the several of the 

284
00:17:10,960 --> 00:17:14,520
books that he publishes in the 
1980s in particular, really 

285
00:17:14,520 --> 00:17:19,839
adopt and expound upon Hayekian 
knowledge problems as the 

286
00:17:19,960 --> 00:17:23,880
undercurrent of economic 
organizing. 

287
00:17:24,240 --> 00:17:27,599
And you know, if you accept that
premise, central planning 

288
00:17:27,599 --> 00:17:30,160
becomes impossible, Marxism 
becomes impossible. 

289
00:17:30,360 --> 00:17:33,120
Though he does that, he writes 
an entire book length assessment

290
00:17:33,120 --> 00:17:37,440
of Marx, actually digs into the 
weeds of of some of the stuff 

291
00:17:37,440 --> 00:17:40,160
that I work on. 
For example, looking at Marx's 

292
00:17:40,160 --> 00:17:44,640
reception in his own time, Visa 
V the post Soviet Union uptake 

293
00:17:44,640 --> 00:17:46,160
on him. 
And he points out, quite 

294
00:17:46,160 --> 00:17:50,240
correctly, that Marx is a very 
fringe, obscure figure in the 

295
00:17:50,240 --> 00:17:54,680
19th century, lives in the same 
neighborhood as John Stuart Mill

296
00:17:54,920 --> 00:17:57,480
for most of his adult Simon 
London. 

297
00:17:57,480 --> 00:18:01,520
And Mill has no idea who this 
guy is, even though they're 

298
00:18:01,520 --> 00:18:03,800
working and writing on 
ostensibly the same social 

299
00:18:03,800 --> 00:18:06,680
problems. 
And Saul points this out. 

300
00:18:07,440 --> 00:18:11,240
He also then points out and says
that it's actually political 

301
00:18:11,240 --> 00:18:16,920
actors that elevate Marxism as 
an idea into not only the the 

302
00:18:16,960 --> 00:18:20,440
the academic mainstream, but 
into political operas, 

303
00:18:20,480 --> 00:18:27,120
operationalization of it in the 
Soviet Union and other Marxist 

304
00:18:27,160 --> 00:18:30,600
communist countries that emerge 
in the 20th century. 

305
00:18:32,000 --> 00:18:34,120
And you know, Seoul will look at
this and he sees there's 

306
00:18:34,120 --> 00:18:39,080
essentially a veneer here of 
theory that is actually 

307
00:18:39,080 --> 00:18:43,800
legitimizing and authorizing 
some very bad actors to attain 

308
00:18:43,800 --> 00:18:48,400
power, to attain enrichment for 
themselves, to attain the perks 

309
00:18:48,400 --> 00:18:50,600
of political control and 
political office. 

310
00:18:51,280 --> 00:18:55,720
So we also basically offers an 
explanation of why Marxism 

311
00:18:55,720 --> 00:18:59,840
devolves almost invariably into 
the same totalitarian result. 

312
00:19:01,400 --> 00:19:06,360
And why is that? 
Because equality is impossible, 

313
00:19:06,920 --> 00:19:11,600
so only a tyrant would ever try 
to give you such a lie. 

314
00:19:11,600 --> 00:19:13,760
And once you give the state so 
much power, they have no 

315
00:19:13,760 --> 00:19:16,800
incentive to make them equal to 
everyone else. 

316
00:19:17,200 --> 00:19:21,280
It's a, it's a cultural precept 
that people in that side of the 

317
00:19:21,280 --> 00:19:24,600
spectrum adopt. 
It's a very unconstrained vision

318
00:19:24,600 --> 00:19:27,200
of society. 
If you're a Marxist, I mean, 

319
00:19:27,200 --> 00:19:29,160
you're, you're trying to reorder
the world. 

320
00:19:30,240 --> 00:19:32,960
You know, they, the Hayekian 
insight comes out in The Road to

321
00:19:32,960 --> 00:19:36,320
Serfdom, where Hyatt points out,
why did the why did the worst 

322
00:19:36,320 --> 00:19:39,600
always rise to the top of these 
totalitarian societies? 

323
00:19:39,920 --> 00:19:42,800
And it turns out there are 
certain characteristics and and 

324
00:19:42,800 --> 00:19:45,560
in the way that they view the 
world, they see themselves as 

325
00:19:45,560 --> 00:19:49,440
remaking the world. 
And any and every action 

326
00:19:49,640 --> 00:19:53,040
undertaken in pursuit of that 
goal is legitimized by the goal 

327
00:19:53,040 --> 00:19:57,280
itself. 
Very similarly, Seoul expands 

328
00:19:57,280 --> 00:20:00,840
upon this idea, contrasting 
constrained and unconstrained 

329
00:20:00,840 --> 00:20:04,440
visions of allocation of 
culture, of society. 

330
00:20:04,680 --> 00:20:08,760
And he said there are certain 
characteristics that emerge in 

331
00:20:09,120 --> 00:20:12,520
in certain types of visions of 
the world that lead people to do

332
00:20:12,520 --> 00:20:15,480
horrible things in pursuit of 
that vision because of the 

333
00:20:15,480 --> 00:20:19,360
belief that the vision itself. 
Is a desirable end to attain. 

334
00:20:20,840 --> 00:20:25,240
I remember just reading his 
book, he was talking about the 

335
00:20:25,800 --> 00:20:30,760
importance of, you know, 
liberating the masses and the 

336
00:20:30,880 --> 00:20:33,960
the importance of getting the 
working class, you know, the 

337
00:20:33,960 --> 00:20:37,000
power to, you know, really take 
on the bourgeoisie. 

338
00:20:37,240 --> 00:20:41,200
He goes ask these people, you 
know, before we give, you know, 

339
00:20:41,200 --> 00:20:43,240
have a dictatorship of the 
proletariat. 

340
00:20:43,400 --> 00:20:46,600
See how comfortable they are 
with giving the working man 

341
00:20:46,600 --> 00:20:51,520
school choice When you realize 
there is not one freedom that 

342
00:20:51,520 --> 00:20:54,840
they'd really they're not even 
comfortable giving them a little

343
00:20:54,840 --> 00:20:59,360
say over their lives. 
They're like, OK, they it's not 

344
00:20:59,360 --> 00:21:02,120
about empowering the masses. 
It's about a dictatorship of the

345
00:21:02,120 --> 00:21:04,840
proletariat. 
Basically, it's about, I believe

346
00:21:04,840 --> 00:21:09,440
he refers to it as it's not 
about individuals being 

347
00:21:09,440 --> 00:21:11,840
empowered to make decisions, 
it's about empowering 

348
00:21:11,840 --> 00:21:16,520
politicians as coercive 
surrogate decision makers for 

349
00:21:16,520 --> 00:21:18,480
the masses which they claim to 
represent. 

350
00:21:18,800 --> 00:21:21,320
That's his thesis in 
Discrimination and disparity. 

351
00:21:21,960 --> 00:21:25,520
And there's the keyword, what 
they claim to represent, you 

352
00:21:25,520 --> 00:21:28,320
know, persons of a certain 
vision that view themselves as 

353
00:21:28,320 --> 00:21:33,000
reordering all of society 
necessarily have to speak on 

354
00:21:33,000 --> 00:21:37,080
behalf of other people. 
And they speak on on behalf of 

355
00:21:37,080 --> 00:21:39,720
them as treating them as as 
collective units. 

356
00:21:40,240 --> 00:21:43,720
Yet there's never really any 
voice of the other people that 

357
00:21:43,720 --> 00:21:46,240
they're purporting to do all 
these actions on behalf of. 

358
00:21:46,760 --> 00:21:49,920
Then eventually, you know, a 
devolution into a totalitarian 

359
00:21:49,920 --> 00:21:52,800
society, which is what occurs in
the Soviet Union. 

360
00:21:53,120 --> 00:21:56,320
And who gets killed? 
It turns out to be the very same

361
00:21:56,320 --> 00:21:58,360
masses. 
They're the starving peasants 

362
00:21:58,960 --> 00:22:04,160
that are the victims of the 
supposed dictatorship of the 

363
00:22:04,160 --> 00:22:08,800
proletariat at the top is 
actually screwing them over, and

364
00:22:08,800 --> 00:22:11,080
doesn't mind that it's screwing 
them over because that's what's 

365
00:22:11,080 --> 00:22:14,200
necessary to attain the society 
that they desire. 

366
00:22:15,320 --> 00:22:18,600
So that this is a fundamental 
contradiction that seems to come

367
00:22:18,600 --> 00:22:22,640
out of very unconstrained 
visions of society is they'll 

368
00:22:22,640 --> 00:22:27,840
profess to be acting on behalf 
of a greater good, but in 

369
00:22:27,840 --> 00:22:30,440
action. 
What materializes is something 

370
00:22:30,440 --> 00:22:35,800
that makes the greater masses 
entirely expendable to their 

371
00:22:35,800 --> 00:22:39,000
political objective. 
One of the things that really 

372
00:22:39,000 --> 00:22:42,000
helped me see through the 
lockdown and mask mandate 

373
00:22:42,000 --> 00:22:45,720
madness was Thomas Old's book 
Civil Rights Rhetoric or 

374
00:22:45,720 --> 00:22:48,360
Reality. 
He says it's true that black 

375
00:22:48,360 --> 00:22:53,160
incomes rose after the Civil 
Rights Act of 1964, but that's 

376
00:22:53,160 --> 00:22:56,040
not how you measure if a law had
a good effect. 

377
00:22:56,040 --> 00:23:00,000
You want to see what trend was 
occurring in the 20s, thirties, 

378
00:23:00,000 --> 00:23:03,680
40s and 50s with this 
demographic and then see the 

379
00:23:03,680 --> 00:23:08,120
change afterwards, he said. 
What the what happened was, of 

380
00:23:08,120 --> 00:23:11,200
course, Jim Crow laws should be 
repealed in their evil. 

381
00:23:11,400 --> 00:23:14,640
But he says, is this the sole 
explanation for why people have 

382
00:23:14,640 --> 00:23:18,160
an increase in income or an 
increase in accessibility to 

383
00:23:18,160 --> 00:23:22,120
access to products and services?
So when it came to the 

384
00:23:22,120 --> 00:23:26,800
lockdowns, I said, oh, you know,
deaths went down after this mask

385
00:23:26,800 --> 00:23:29,320
mandate was imposed. 
What was happening before then? 

386
00:23:29,560 --> 00:23:32,760
And time and time again, you 
find out there's no correlation 

387
00:23:32,760 --> 00:23:37,240
between lockdowns, mask mandates
and COVID deaths, especially 

388
00:23:37,240 --> 00:23:41,560
comparing countries. 
When it comes to this trend of 

389
00:23:41,560 --> 00:23:46,440
how Seoul was able to verify the
claims of researchers, what 

390
00:23:46,440 --> 00:23:51,120
comes out to your mind when you 
look at his attempt to really 

391
00:23:51,120 --> 00:23:54,920
empirically analyze historical 
narratives that will just take 

392
00:23:54,920 --> 00:23:57,160
for granted? 
Well, he's a, he's a very 

393
00:23:57,160 --> 00:23:59,600
innovative social scientist. 
And that seems to be like the 

394
00:23:59,600 --> 00:24:04,000
core underlying theme of his 
work is to scientifically test 

395
00:24:04,400 --> 00:24:08,000
claims, whether they're popular,
unpopular, conventional wisdom 

396
00:24:08,000 --> 00:24:11,760
or completely out of left field.
You know, he wants to take 

397
00:24:11,760 --> 00:24:14,800
nothing for granted. 
He actually wants to see what 

398
00:24:14,800 --> 00:24:19,960
the data show. 
And this is a very rare mindset 

399
00:24:20,760 --> 00:24:24,920
to encounter among intellectuals
in particular, You know, 

400
00:24:24,920 --> 00:24:26,760
intellectuals, I think in the 
worst sense. 

401
00:24:26,760 --> 00:24:29,960
They're they're Hayeki and 
secondhand dealers and ideas. 

402
00:24:30,200 --> 00:24:32,840
They come to a problem already 
thinking that they know all the 

403
00:24:32,840 --> 00:24:35,960
answers. 
Seoul, actually, he engages, 

404
00:24:36,400 --> 00:24:38,840
even though he does so in a very
acerbic way at times. 

405
00:24:38,840 --> 00:24:44,640
And I love the acerbicism, but 
he engages people that basically

406
00:24:44,640 --> 00:24:48,520
act as know it alls with his own
state of intellectual humility. 

407
00:24:48,520 --> 00:24:51,960
And he says, well, wait a 
minute, let's question the core 

408
00:24:51,960 --> 00:24:56,240
assumptions of an assertion. 
And, and, and let's do so in a 

409
00:24:56,240 --> 00:25:00,360
way that sets up a natural 
experiment using historical 

410
00:25:00,360 --> 00:25:02,800
data. 
Let's actually tease out what 

411
00:25:02,800 --> 00:25:06,280
the data say on a, a subject and
you get some really interesting 

412
00:25:06,600 --> 00:25:08,560
deeper understanding. 
And again, you know, as I 

413
00:25:08,560 --> 00:25:13,240
pointed out, he often comes to a
conclusion in the end that 

414
00:25:13,240 --> 00:25:16,520
verifies and validates what was 
taken for granted. 

415
00:25:16,960 --> 00:25:20,840
Like in the the race and IQ 
thing, he rejects racial IQ 

416
00:25:20,840 --> 00:25:24,320
science. 
That's a fundamental derivative 

417
00:25:24,320 --> 00:25:28,520
of his work, but he gets there 
through scientific analysis and 

418
00:25:28,520 --> 00:25:33,160
testing of the claims rather 
than just asserting same thing 

419
00:25:33,160 --> 00:25:36,720
you see in in other aspects. 
And I think this is a big part 

420
00:25:36,720 --> 00:25:40,480
of his conversion from Marxism. 
It's it's testing the theory 

421
00:25:40,480 --> 00:25:43,960
against reality. 
And he starts to see breakdowns 

422
00:25:43,960 --> 00:25:47,680
in reality, both on a micro 
level of observing, planning and

423
00:25:47,680 --> 00:25:51,200
practice and then in in a large 
societal trends of observing 

424
00:25:51,200 --> 00:25:53,920
this trend toward 
totalitarianism and Marxist 

425
00:25:53,920 --> 00:25:57,160
societies. 
That's the convincing evidence. 

426
00:25:57,360 --> 00:26:01,800
Not it's not like let's go pour 
back over Marx and have the 27th

427
00:26:01,800 --> 00:26:05,560
new interpretation of Dos 
Capitol that finds something 

428
00:26:05,560 --> 00:26:08,480
supposedly hidden that every 
other Marxist has somehow 

429
00:26:08,480 --> 00:26:10,520
missed. 
Seoul's not interested in that. 

430
00:26:10,520 --> 00:26:12,880
He's interested in testing it in
practice. 

431
00:26:14,000 --> 00:26:17,680
I love the Marxism one that he 
ends social justice fallacies 

432
00:26:17,680 --> 00:26:19,760
with, he said. 
You know, since the rich are 

433
00:26:19,760 --> 00:26:24,280
only rich because they extract 
their money from the surplus 

434
00:26:24,280 --> 00:26:27,320
value of the poor, we should see
the places with the most 

435
00:26:27,320 --> 00:26:30,200
billionaires have the most 
amount of poverty, he says. 

436
00:26:30,200 --> 00:26:33,360
Turns out America has a lot more
billionaires and a lot less 

437
00:26:33,360 --> 00:26:36,840
poverty than places in the world
that have no billionaires but a 

438
00:26:36,840 --> 00:26:39,800
lot more poverty. 
I'm like OK I wish I would have 

439
00:26:39,800 --> 00:26:41,920
read those three sentences 10 
years ago. 

440
00:26:41,920 --> 00:26:44,800
I would have saved myself some 
humiliation. 

441
00:26:44,920 --> 00:26:48,440
Let me give you a disparity and 
I want you to use Souls 

442
00:26:48,440 --> 00:26:54,040
methodology to refute this. 
If I say men are 50% of the 

443
00:26:54,040 --> 00:26:59,480
population yet 95.5% of people 
killed by police, therefore 

444
00:26:59,480 --> 00:27:03,920
discrimination exists. 
The average income of a 16 year 

445
00:27:03,920 --> 00:27:08,480
old is way lower than the 
average income of a 46 year old.

446
00:27:08,680 --> 00:27:12,480
Therefore men and young people 
are systematically discriminated

447
00:27:12,480 --> 00:27:14,640
against using Souls 
methodologies. 

448
00:27:14,640 --> 00:27:16,800
What, if anything, is wrong with
my logic? 

449
00:27:17,440 --> 00:27:19,480
The very first thing is you're 
you're treating people as a 

450
00:27:19,480 --> 00:27:20,640
group. 
You're treating people 

451
00:27:20,640 --> 00:27:23,720
collectively and a lot of the 
phenomena you're talking about 

452
00:27:23,720 --> 00:27:27,280
are individual instances you'd 
want to dig in. 

453
00:27:27,280 --> 00:27:31,640
Can you make that inference from
a summary statistic to 

454
00:27:31,640 --> 00:27:34,160
causality? 
And so would say, basically, no,

455
00:27:34,160 --> 00:27:36,440
you can't. 
You actually need more data, 

456
00:27:36,440 --> 00:27:39,480
better data that tells the 
actual causality now. 

457
00:27:39,920 --> 00:27:44,040
So, for example, on on police 
shooting, it's not enough to 

458
00:27:44,040 --> 00:27:48,800
simply say this percentage of 
persons in such and such group 

459
00:27:48,800 --> 00:27:52,280
represents whatever share of 
police shootings you have to. 

460
00:27:52,800 --> 00:27:56,440
You actually have to dig into 
the data and figure out if the 

461
00:27:56,440 --> 00:27:59,800
particular instances of police 
shootings have a racial 

462
00:27:59,800 --> 00:28:03,840
component to them. 
So for example, if you had a 

463
00:28:03,880 --> 00:28:08,640
subset of data that showed 
police encounters between 

464
00:28:08,640 --> 00:28:12,520
different racial groups of the 
same nature, let's say we took 

465
00:28:12,520 --> 00:28:17,160
all traffic stops between police
and and private citizens and 

466
00:28:17,160 --> 00:28:23,120
then we divided them on racial 
lines and you could detect which

467
00:28:23,200 --> 00:28:26,120
traffic stops ended peacefully, 
which ones escalated. 

468
00:28:26,400 --> 00:28:29,440
That's a that's a much more 
narrow subset of the data. 

469
00:28:29,680 --> 00:28:32,920
And I could see Souls as someone
who would would like advocate 

470
00:28:32,920 --> 00:28:36,240
that type of an approach because
if you detected that kind of 

471
00:28:36,240 --> 00:28:40,120
disparity, it's very different 
than saying, well, 80% of this, 

472
00:28:40,120 --> 00:28:45,480
90% of that result in an 
escalation just based on the 

473
00:28:45,480 --> 00:28:48,880
summary statistic. 
He'd want to get down to what is

474
00:28:48,880 --> 00:28:51,360
the mechanism? 
Are there geographic 

475
00:28:51,360 --> 00:28:55,640
disparities? 
Are there other patterns at play

476
00:28:56,160 --> 00:28:59,080
that determine the nature of why
police stops occur? 

477
00:29:01,240 --> 00:29:05,400
I guess in other words, you 
can't just reduce a descriptive 

478
00:29:05,400 --> 00:29:08,320
statistic in the causality 
without investigating the 

479
00:29:08,320 --> 00:29:10,640
causality. 
Is that descriptive statistic? 

480
00:29:10,640 --> 00:29:13,800
It might be something causal, it
might not be, but you actually 

481
00:29:13,800 --> 00:29:17,720
have to dig deeper into the data
to figure out what's really 

482
00:29:17,720 --> 00:29:20,480
going on. 
Visa vie what the political 

483
00:29:20,480 --> 00:29:24,000
claim is. 
I love his warning and 

484
00:29:24,000 --> 00:29:27,400
methodology and the vision of 
the anointed. 

485
00:29:27,400 --> 00:29:31,400
He says there's a scam, here's 
what's going to happen, there's 

486
00:29:31,400 --> 00:29:33,800
a huge crisis that needs our 
attention. 

487
00:29:34,040 --> 00:29:37,040
There's a solution which is 
going to be coercively imposed 

488
00:29:37,040 --> 00:29:38,880
by a state that people must 
fund. 

489
00:29:39,400 --> 00:29:42,320
There's going to be results. 
And regardless of what the 

490
00:29:42,320 --> 00:29:44,840
results are, they're either 
going to prove that we're right 

491
00:29:44,840 --> 00:29:47,160
or going to prove that we need 
even more funding. 

492
00:29:47,520 --> 00:29:49,960
We were wrong. 
It was worse than we thought. 

493
00:29:49,960 --> 00:29:52,920
We need to double down. 
So he says this in like the 

494
00:29:52,920 --> 00:29:57,040
early 90s, before the current 
hysteria that we get when it 

495
00:29:57,040 --> 00:29:59,680
comes to other things. 
Do you think of the vision of 

496
00:29:59,680 --> 00:30:01,160
the anointed? 
Was this a great contract 

497
00:30:01,240 --> 00:30:04,080
distribution? 
Does school choice come to mind?

498
00:30:04,800 --> 00:30:08,200
Take this wherever you want in 
our last few minutes here. 

499
00:30:08,320 --> 00:30:10,720
What else about Seoul should 
people appreciate? 

500
00:30:11,680 --> 00:30:18,880
Well, he has a, a very skilled 
gift at distilling complex ideas

501
00:30:18,880 --> 00:30:22,760
into accessible terms. 
And then this really comes 

502
00:30:22,760 --> 00:30:25,040
through. 
So I love conflict of visions as

503
00:30:25,040 --> 00:30:30,320
a, a great way of articulating 
ways of looking at the world 

504
00:30:30,320 --> 00:30:32,840
both social scientifically and 
philosophically. 

505
00:30:33,360 --> 00:30:38,080
And I think it's the expressions
that he has there of, of, you 

506
00:30:38,080 --> 00:30:42,560
know, dividing ways of looking 
at the past, ways of looking at 

507
00:30:42,560 --> 00:30:47,080
the present into different 
categories and groups of vision,

508
00:30:47,080 --> 00:30:50,960
different categories of, of 
philosophical underpinnings. 

509
00:30:52,120 --> 00:30:57,680
This makes thousands of years of
complex political philosophy 

510
00:30:58,240 --> 00:31:01,480
very accessible and 
understandable in a cohesive 

511
00:31:01,480 --> 00:31:04,560
framework. 
So I think there's a, there's, 

512
00:31:04,920 --> 00:31:10,080
you know, I, I hear the term pop
economist used as a slur, but 

513
00:31:10,080 --> 00:31:12,240
this is a very snobbish 
approach. 

514
00:31:12,720 --> 00:31:14,440
Actually. 
What he's doing is he's taking 

515
00:31:14,440 --> 00:31:19,920
some very complex and difficult 
to access ideas and distilling 

516
00:31:19,920 --> 00:31:24,520
them in a way that is accessible
and yet also still intelligible 

517
00:31:25,400 --> 00:31:28,960
to a mass readership. 
There's value to that. 

518
00:31:30,520 --> 00:31:35,160
In fact, I I I deprecate 
scholars that speak in 

519
00:31:35,160 --> 00:31:39,400
obscurantism and jargon and 
intentionally obscure the 

520
00:31:39,400 --> 00:31:44,000
accessibility of their work 
because that's really often just

521
00:31:44,720 --> 00:31:47,760
a a cloaking mechanism. 
It's a veneer that their 

522
00:31:47,760 --> 00:31:51,560
arguments aren't nearly as 
strong as they claim them to be.

523
00:31:52,520 --> 00:31:53,680
I mean, you hear this all the 
time. 

524
00:31:53,680 --> 00:31:56,880
You encounter Marxists and 
challenge them so well. 

525
00:31:56,880 --> 00:32:00,080
You just don't understand Karl 
Marx like I do because I was 

526
00:32:00,080 --> 00:32:04,520
trained in the such as that 
school of, of Marxist thought. 

527
00:32:04,840 --> 00:32:08,560
And it's, it's actually, no, 
you, you, you don't have good 

528
00:32:08,560 --> 00:32:12,400
arguments on your side to 
coherently and intelligently 

529
00:32:12,400 --> 00:32:15,720
explain your position to an 
educated layperson. 

530
00:32:15,880 --> 00:32:17,880
That's a sign of weakness of 
your position. 

531
00:32:18,760 --> 00:32:23,440
So Saul takes his readership 
very seriously in speaking to 

532
00:32:23,440 --> 00:32:27,480
them in accessible ways. 
He's not lecturing down at them.

533
00:32:27,640 --> 00:32:31,760
He's saying, let me walk you 
through the logic of my position

534
00:32:32,040 --> 00:32:35,000
in a way that you can understand
and then I want you to evaluate 

535
00:32:35,000 --> 00:32:38,320
it and challenge me. 
So we'll invite that challenge. 

536
00:32:38,320 --> 00:32:41,520
He may be dismissive of a stupid
challenge, but he will none the 

537
00:32:41,520 --> 00:32:44,760
less invite the challenge. 
And he says, explain to me in 

538
00:32:44,760 --> 00:32:48,960
accessible, intelligible terms 
what your position is and why 

539
00:32:48,960 --> 00:32:51,640
you think that and all do the 
same in return. 

540
00:32:51,640 --> 00:32:55,720
So he's he's actually engaged 
his readers in a conversation in

541
00:32:55,720 --> 00:32:59,920
ways that I think is it is 
extremely rare among 

542
00:33:00,640 --> 00:33:03,800
intellectuals, among academics, 
among people that have his 

543
00:33:03,800 --> 00:33:05,480
caliber of scholarly 
achievement. 

544
00:33:06,560 --> 00:33:10,760
Yes, I wish Matthew Desmond 
would take note and do that same

545
00:33:10,760 --> 00:33:15,360
thing with the 1619 project. 
Let us know where I know you're 

546
00:33:15,360 --> 00:33:18,320
an economic historian at the 
Independent Institute. 

547
00:33:18,480 --> 00:33:21,640
Where can people find your work 
and what are you working on now?

548
00:33:21,960 --> 00:33:24,840
Yeah, listen, independent.org is
where I publish a lot of the 

549
00:33:24,880 --> 00:33:27,720
material and it's it's our 
website. 

550
00:33:28,440 --> 00:33:32,840
I am working, you know, much 
much as soul did on the history 

551
00:33:32,840 --> 00:33:38,000
of Marxism and and trying to 
explain why this takes over 

552
00:33:38,280 --> 00:33:41,360
large swaths of the Academy in 
the 20th century. 

553
00:33:41,920 --> 00:33:46,160
Why we get to where we are today
despite this being very early on

554
00:33:46,160 --> 00:33:48,640
and discredited way of economic 
thinking and then further 

555
00:33:48,640 --> 00:33:51,960
discredited in practice from the
events of the 20th century. 

556
00:33:52,960 --> 00:33:57,560
So is that why you and Bob 
Murphy are engaged in this back 

557
00:33:57,560 --> 00:34:00,200
and forth? 
Because the fact that Marx was 

558
00:34:00,200 --> 00:34:05,000
not popular in his time means 
academics really don't take him 

559
00:34:05,000 --> 00:34:06,640
seriously? 
It's only the Bolshevik 

560
00:34:06,640 --> 00:34:10,520
revolution which made him 
popular, because that's the 

561
00:34:10,520 --> 00:34:12,840
whole thing. 
That's essentially the gist of 

562
00:34:12,840 --> 00:34:15,239
the argument. 
And, and you actually find soul 

563
00:34:15,239 --> 00:34:18,440
hints at this. 
And, and in his book on Marx, 

564
00:34:19,360 --> 00:34:23,480
you know, it's observing that in
his own lifetime he's an 

565
00:34:23,480 --> 00:34:25,719
extremely fringe peripheral 
figure. 

566
00:34:25,840 --> 00:34:29,120
But he is noticed by economists 
in the decade or so after his 

567
00:34:29,120 --> 00:34:34,159
death, mostly the marginalist 
pick him up and notice him as a 

568
00:34:35,280 --> 00:34:38,400
a relic of the older system, 
also a potential challenger to 

569
00:34:38,400 --> 00:34:40,199
marginalism. 
And they engage with him in 

570
00:34:40,199 --> 00:34:42,960
depth and deconstruct his 
arguments. 

571
00:34:43,159 --> 00:34:46,400
But by about 1900, by about the 
turn of the century, Marx has 

572
00:34:46,400 --> 00:34:50,080
been defeated intellectually in 
economics. 

573
00:34:50,080 --> 00:34:54,600
There are very few people that 
think that he emerged from those

574
00:34:55,120 --> 00:34:58,680
discussions and battles of the 
late 19th century as the 

575
00:34:58,680 --> 00:35:02,640
superior economic system. 
He's seen as something, you 

576
00:35:02,640 --> 00:35:05,600
know, I'll paraphrase. 
John Maynard Keynes, of all 

577
00:35:05,600 --> 00:35:09,920
people, writes that Marx is the 
author of an obsolete textbook 

578
00:35:09,920 --> 00:35:11,960
of no interest to the modern 
world. 

579
00:35:12,400 --> 00:35:14,800
And this isn't just Keynes 
saying, hey, I'm going to 

580
00:35:14,800 --> 00:35:16,680
dismiss the guy. 
This is Keynes saying 

581
00:35:16,800 --> 00:35:21,320
marginalism 1 over the labor 
theory of value. 

582
00:35:22,400 --> 00:35:25,080
And yet you have the Bolshevik 
Revolution, which is just like 

583
00:35:25,080 --> 00:35:30,040
this giant influx of state 
support for the propagation of 

584
00:35:30,040 --> 00:35:33,760
Marxism that resuscitates and 
revitalizes it in intellectual 

585
00:35:33,760 --> 00:35:36,800
circles. 
Thank you to everyone for 

586
00:35:36,800 --> 00:35:38,840
watching Keith Knight. 
Don't tread on anyone in the 

587
00:35:38,840 --> 00:35:41,920
Libertarian Institute. 
Doctor Magnus, thank you for 

588
00:35:41,920 --> 00:35:43,840
your time. 
Absolutely, thanks for doing 

589
00:35:43,840 --> 00:35:44,000
this.
