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From India's largest newsroom, 
I'm Arun George, and this is the

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Times of India podcast. 
The central government has 

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announced A caste census will be
conducted whenever the next 

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census is carried out. 
Two things remain unclear. 

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When will the census be 
conducted and how the caste of 

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over 1 billion Indians will be 
counted? 

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Over the past decade, there have
been multiple calls for a caste 

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census together, how much 
backward caste have progressed 

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and to even reconsider the 
reservations that exist for 

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government jobs and educational 
institutes. 

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While multiple states like Bihar
and Telangana have conducted 

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caste censuses whose findings 
have been released, Karnataka 

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has perhaps been at the 
forefront of conducting surveys 

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based on caste. 
In today's episode, were talking

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with political columnist and 
analyst Sugata Srinivasa Raju 

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about the controversy in the 
state over its own caste data 

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and the political difficulties 
that come with having this data.

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Sugata started by talking about 
why Karnataka has been at the 

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forefront of counting caste of 
its residence and how it 

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started. 
Karnataka was at the forefront 

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of backward class reservations. 
Its not just the 1970s when the 

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Havnur Commission was set up by 
the Devarajaras government. 

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It goes back to 1919. 
The Mysore Maharaja was the one 

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who first set up a kind of 
Commission, it was called the 

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Leslie Miller Commission, 
Justice Leslie Miller 

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Commission. 
So that was done because in the 

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neighboring state of Tamil Nadu,
there was the Justice Party 

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thing that was going up saying 
that the backward classes have 

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been oppressed and they have not
been given their due in 

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government jobs. 
And that rhetoric was catching 

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up. 
And the Mysore Maharaja was came

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from a very small community, you
know, I mean a small 

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aristocratic community. 
And if he had to retain control 

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over his state, he had to 
demographically accommodate the 

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majority communities and show a 
lot of justice having been done,

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basically. 
So when they did that survey in 

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1919, the biggest objection came
from the Diwan of this state, 

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that is Sir M Vishveshwariya. 
He was a Brahmin. 

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He sort of put out what is a 
meritocratic argument that we 

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often listen to today. 
So he resigned in protest in 

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fact. 
But the Maharaja still went 

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ahead. 
The Midler Commission data was 

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astounding in many ways because 
the dominant communities in the 

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state did not seem to have 
proper representation in the 

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governance or in government 
jobs. 

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There was a disproportionate 
kind of control of the Brahmins 

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over administration. 
And you'll be surprised, after 

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the Brahmins, it was the Muslims
who had a greater say in the 

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administration of the state or 
the governance of the state and 

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Muslims. 
It is again historical reasons. 

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Tipu and either Hyder Ali and 
others had ruled this state. 

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So the bureaucracy was full of 
them. 

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And then the Brahmins anywhere 
had cultural capital but the 

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Okaligas and the Lingayats who 
dominated the region, first the 

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Okaligas and then the Lingayats.
Because you should remember in 

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1919 until 1956, the state had 
not been integrated. 

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The state had not been unified 
as a linguistic state. 

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So the old princely Mysore 
state, the erstwhile princely 

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Mysore state, where the Okaligas
were in domination, that 

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domination did not reflect in 
the government or in jobs or in 

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control. 
So this Miller Commission paved 

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way for that accommodation, I 
would say. 

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And Lingayats also realized that
they were not given adequate 

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representation because their 
population size was being 

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completely ignored. 
And then these two communities, 

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this is the historical dominance
of the two communities. 

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So the two communities start 
getting activated and they start

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organizing themselves. 
Sugata says that the big caste 

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data that emerged in the state 
post independence was the LG 

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Havanur Commission, which was 
the first Backward Classes 

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Commission in Karnataka. 
The Commission met over 3,00,000

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people in the state and assess 
their economic and educational 

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progress. 
The committee's recommendations 

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included reservations in state 
government jobs and even knowing

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students caste so that the state
could ensure that children from 

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lower caste made progress into 
higher educational institutes. 

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Sugata pointed out that the 
Havnur Commission's report 

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actually inspired a lot of the 
big Mandal Commission's work. 

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The Mandal Commissions report in
the late 1970s was the basis for

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the existing reservation 
policies for Schedule Caste 

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tribes and other backward caste 
in government jobs and 

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educational institutes. 
Sugata says that while there was

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a social aspect to the Havanur 
Commissions creation, there was 

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a deeply political aspect to it 
as well. 

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And it's interesting as to why 
it happened to the 70s. 

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It's because Devra Jaras was 
from a again, a small 

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aristocratic community called 
the Arasu community, which was a

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community that sort of supported
the aristocratic interests of 

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the Maharaja of Mysore. 
And he was in a minority and he 

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needed one dominant community to
be on his side to retain power. 

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And the dominant communities 
would always sort of arm twist. 

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So he decided to integrate all 
the backwards in the state, 

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right? 
So he knew that was an assorted 

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population and he could bring 
them together and continue to be

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in power. 
And he's been to this day, he's 

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the longest serving chief 
minister. 

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So in the 1970s, he does a 
magical kind of reservation 

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process in Karnataka, which 
later becomes a template for the

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rest of India. 
Karnataka in 1995 set up a 

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Backward Classes Commission that
would not just enumerate the 

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backward classes in the state 
but also indicate their socio 

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economic progress. 
The report that is at the centre

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of the controversy in Karnataka 
presently was conducted by this 

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Commission. 
While the survey was conducted 

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all the way back in 2015. 
Sugata says there's been a 

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steady leak of data about the 
findings of the survey. 

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Except there's a problem. 
And here's Sugata explaining why

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the data released so far has 
been so controversial. 

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Why this has become problematic 
is more than focusing on the 

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socio economic advancement and 
trying to inform the population 

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of Karnataka as to who stands 
where when it comes to socio 

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economic advancement. 
This is a partial release of 

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numbers of independent castes, 
dominant caste when even a 

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religious community like the 
Muslims, the minority 

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communities. 
So it just puts out a number 

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there and it does not tell you 
who stands where. 

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But you don't know who is 
performing how when it comes to 

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socio economic advancement, 
whether they are backward or 

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whether they are forward. 
That is all that matters in this

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whole thing. 
But except for that, everything 

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else is being spoken about. 
This is one set of the 

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complication Arun. 
But the other set, and which is 

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even more dubious in its record,
is now the existing chairman of 

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the Commission and other 
politicians, including Congress.

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Politicians have been saying two
things. 

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One is the data is old, it is 10
years old. 

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You have to do a new thing. 
That is one part of the story. 

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The second is even more 
dangerous and has been 

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overlooked, which is that these 
people, the Commission itself is

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saying the original report is 
missing, which means you have no

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access to original data that has
been collected. 

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Sugata says there's one issue 
that comes with any enumeration 

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of caste. 
But with this data in Karnataka,

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there's an additional problem, 
which is that the original data 

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of the survey officially seems 
to be missing if. 

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You want to get a certain 
advantage out of government 

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larges. 
You may identify yourself for 

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something as a different sub 
caste. 

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If you belong to a certain sub 
caste which you know will not 

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get you as much benefits as the 
other sub caste. 

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Nobody stops you from 
identifying yourself there. 

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You can't go and check the 
genealogy of the person. 

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The second thing is there is a 
certain problem in Karnataka 

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historically, which is when the 
Lingayatism came into play, that

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is in the 12th century, it was 
an amalgamation of caste. 

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It was a coming together of 
caste to actually do away with a

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caste order. 
So now finally something has 

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happened over the centuries, 
which is you came together to be

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a caste less order, but now you 
try to remember what your 

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original caste was and claimed 
reservation on the basis of that

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for political reasons. 
You say you're a Lingayat, but 

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when you need reservation, you 
put yourself somewhere else. 

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So how does one know that what 
data you have, even if it has 

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been collected meticulously? 
The Kantraj Commission has not 

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collected data meticulously is 
what what is coming out now. 

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And there is no original report,
you know, I mean the raw data, 

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nobody seems to know where it 
is. 

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The current commissions chairman
himself is saying that. 

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So there is enough basis to 
suspect the authenticity of the 

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whole process. 
Even if you assume everything is

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correct, how do you know that 
truth has been elicited when you

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enumerated the person? 
The second thing is, as castes 

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became conscious of their 
identities, for instance, the 

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caste of Chief Minister 
Siddaramaiah, the Kuruba 

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community, now the Kuruba 
community and the Okaliga 

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community for the longest period
in history have been overlapping

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communities. 
After the 1980s or 85, because 

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there was a new consciousness 
that this was a separate thing, 

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they started calling themselves 
Kuruba. 

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If you go to certain areas of 
the state, some people may still

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be under this confusion whether 
they're part of Kaliga, part 

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Kuruba. 
So you you can't draw a line and

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say like you do in the general 
census, saying that no, this 

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fellow does not have a 
motorbike, this fellow has a 

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fridge, this fellows houses 
thatch to. 

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You can't make a draw line in a 
caste census. 

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You know, you pointed out this 
10 year delay in things and that

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they should be a fresh survey, 
but then what explains the 

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government looking at that 
survey and saying, you know, 

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that's what we are going to go 
by right now. 

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Rather than conduct a fresh 
census, which really would tie 

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in with say what the Congress 
partys campaign has been across 

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to almost 2 elections now, which
is that we will do a fresh 

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census, we'll find out exactly 
what it is and reservations will

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be adjusted accordingly. 
Instead, if there's so much of A

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cloud over this 10 year old 
data, why is the government 

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holding on to it then? 
How are you going to determine 

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whether this person belongs to 
this caste or this sub? 

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Caste is the major issue. 
So 10 year delay that we are 

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speaking about is the least of 
the problems because you know, I

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mean 10 year delay, OK, I will 
go ahead and do a fresh survey, 

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but will you be in any better 
position is the question. 

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So earlier it was a novelty. 
So you accepted whatever data 

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was being thrown at you. 
You if somebody said you're 12%,

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you're 12%, somebody said you're
14%, you're 14%. 

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That's exactly what was 
happening with Okaliga Zelinka. 

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It's they said, somebody said we
are 18%, somebody said no, no, 

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no, that's a very conservative 
estimate. 

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We were 22%. 
So now they're particularly 

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upset because their demographic 
strength has been underplayed. 

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So and what will happen you 
asked if the government does a 

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new survey, new survey or old 
survey the as long as the 

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political capital is with these 
two communities and the S ES 

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schedule cast because of their 
numbers. 

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Any government trying to sort of
allocate power or rework on this

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thing will lose this whole 
thing. 

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They lose power. 
Essentially. 

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It's a power game. 
It's not a socio economic 

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educational game anymore. 
It's a political game and that 

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has to be understood. 
Besides all of this, there is 

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another very new urban and 
modern problem which is of 

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migration. 
Now there is so much of 

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migration that takes place. 
So there is this. 

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This whole thing has been such a
reductionist thing. 

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They have reduced it into 
creating new tribal identities 

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or trying to capitalize on 
tribal and ethnic and caste 

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identities instead of making it 
look like a scientific exercise.

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So Rahul Gandhi, if he is trying
to advocate caste senses, he has

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to also give us a methodological
solution to the caste census. 

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He is talking, you know, in very
broad terms without 

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understanding the complications 
that it is going to create. 

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And I'll tell you there are 
twofold complications. 1 is 

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he'll he'll lose his government 
here if all Lingayat MLAs and 

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all Okaliga MLAs decide to sit 
out of the government because of

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because the Congress party has 
done this, that the government 

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is going to fall. 
And the second thing is the 

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possibility of their coming back
to power is also remote. 

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Its because the resources are 
with these two communities. 

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So if you're looking at 
electoral gains, then its not 

230
00:14:20,520 --> 00:14:23,440
that all the backward classes 
will come together and vote for 

231
00:14:23,440 --> 00:14:27,120
a certain political party 
because there is a new problem 

232
00:14:27,120 --> 00:14:30,480
there. 
All the backward classes may 

233
00:14:30,480 --> 00:14:33,680
have been put under a list and 
they may all be eligible for 

234
00:14:33,680 --> 00:14:38,440
reservation but there is only 
one or two or three communities 

235
00:14:38,440 --> 00:14:43,000
there in that 100 list which 
dominates and cannibalizes all 

236
00:14:43,000 --> 00:14:47,360
the quota and Siddaramaiahs 
community, the Kuruba community,

237
00:14:48,240 --> 00:14:51,840
Bangarappa, the former chief 
minister, his community that is 

238
00:14:51,840 --> 00:14:55,120
the Ediger community, these are 
two dominant communities which 

239
00:14:55,120 --> 00:14:58,880
has which have cannibalized 
quota in that section. 

240
00:14:59,800 --> 00:15:03,440
So if two of them are 
cannibalizing or three of them 

241
00:15:03,440 --> 00:15:09,120
are cannibalizing, the rest of 
them, that is say 98 or 99 or 95

242
00:15:09,120 --> 00:15:12,480
of them may just not want to be 
on the side that these people 

243
00:15:12,480 --> 00:15:15,440
are. 
So these are the complications 

244
00:15:15,440 --> 00:15:20,200
which I think Rahul Gandhi fails
to understand or has not cared 

245
00:15:20,200 --> 00:15:23,720
to understand and he just keeps 
pushing for this kind of a caste

246
00:15:23,720 --> 00:15:28,320
survey, which is going to be a 
major problem for his own party.

247
00:15:28,920 --> 00:15:32,840
He is also aligned with Mandal 
parties, Samajwadi Party, 

248
00:15:33,480 --> 00:15:38,560
Rashtriya Janatha Dal RJDJDU, 
you know, I mean in the past. 

249
00:15:38,800 --> 00:15:43,240
So these caste based parties, 
Mandal parties which in the 

250
00:15:43,240 --> 00:15:47,760
which are in the regional areas 
where the Congress has a tie up 

251
00:15:47,760 --> 00:15:52,800
with them, will never want their
basis of existence to be taken 

252
00:15:52,800 --> 00:15:55,640
away. 
If you try to start playing the 

253
00:15:55,640 --> 00:15:59,840
caste game like them, what will 
be the incentive for them to 

254
00:15:59,840 --> 00:16:02,400
align with you? 
They'll say he's heating up our 

255
00:16:02,840 --> 00:16:07,640
space, so let's keep him out. 
The outrage seems to be 

256
00:16:07,640 --> 00:16:10,520
primarily among the vocal 
Leaguers and the Veera Shiva 

257
00:16:10,520 --> 00:16:13,000
Linga. 
It's over the findings because 

258
00:16:13,240 --> 00:16:17,080
they're completely outraged that
their numbers, they say, are 

259
00:16:17,080 --> 00:16:20,400
lower than what they believe it 
is. 

260
00:16:20,800 --> 00:16:25,560
Why does being a lower number in
a very statistical sense matter 

261
00:16:25,560 --> 00:16:31,320
if the reservation is not being 
changed or it doesn't affect 

262
00:16:31,320 --> 00:16:34,240
them? 
Yeah, that's a very interesting 

263
00:16:34,240 --> 00:16:36,840
question. 
Its political game is about 

264
00:16:36,840 --> 00:16:39,200
perception. 
Its not about actual numerical 

265
00:16:39,400 --> 00:16:41,920
strength. 
So it will allow you to bargain 

266
00:16:41,920 --> 00:16:44,680
for more constituencies to 
contest from it. 

267
00:16:44,720 --> 00:16:49,520
It creates a kind of perception 
in the in the voting blocks. 

268
00:16:49,920 --> 00:16:53,360
There are a lot of a lot of 
signaling that happens if you're

269
00:16:53,360 --> 00:16:56,320
a dominant community. 
It could be a feudal signaling 

270
00:16:56,320 --> 00:16:59,440
or it could be something else. 
So the moment you create that 

271
00:16:59,440 --> 00:17:04,160
domination narrative like the 
BJP does with religion, you 

272
00:17:04,160 --> 00:17:08,040
know, so that kind of a 
narrative is actually what 

273
00:17:08,040 --> 00:17:12,119
propels political power, what 
creates that kind of control. 

274
00:17:12,560 --> 00:17:16,079
And it's all about control. 
I mean they may be complaining 

275
00:17:16,079 --> 00:17:18,000
about this for political 
reasons. 

276
00:17:18,040 --> 00:17:21,079
There is a further complication 
which is not. 

277
00:17:21,160 --> 00:17:24,880
It is not that as it is being 
made out at the national level 

278
00:17:25,160 --> 00:17:27,640
that only the Okaligas and 
Lingayats are upset. 

279
00:17:27,839 --> 00:17:31,600
Now even within the Lingayats 
for the last three to four 

280
00:17:31,600 --> 00:17:34,600
years, there is a different 
movement that is happening which

281
00:17:34,600 --> 00:17:39,520
is the Pancham Salis or 110th of
the Lingayats are apparently 

282
00:17:39,520 --> 00:17:43,880
Pancham Salis, the sub caste and
they have never been empowered. 

283
00:17:44,480 --> 00:17:47,880
The Banajigas, the trading 
community or the Sadhar 

284
00:17:47,880 --> 00:17:51,280
Lingayats who are smaller in 
number or the Jangamas who are 

285
00:17:51,280 --> 00:17:54,720
the priestly class, they have 
dominated that community despite

286
00:17:54,720 --> 00:17:58,720
being smaller in lumber. 
It is like saying that the 

287
00:17:58,720 --> 00:18:01,360
Brahmins have dominated the 
administrative system or the 

288
00:18:01,360 --> 00:18:05,480
governance system although being
just minuscule of the population

289
00:18:05,680 --> 00:18:09,160
because they had educational 
capital and cultural capital and

290
00:18:09,160 --> 00:18:12,720
social capital. 
So similarly in a state 

291
00:18:13,120 --> 00:18:18,360
situation, a similar thing has 
happened where a small subgroup 

292
00:18:18,640 --> 00:18:24,120
within the Lingayats have used 
the Lingayat umbrella to capture

293
00:18:24,120 --> 00:18:26,080
power and that sub caste has 
grown. 

294
00:18:27,000 --> 00:18:30,760
So the Panchamchasalis are 
challenging the entire Lingayat 

295
00:18:31,040 --> 00:18:35,920
kind of formulation and 
similarly you are seeing that 

296
00:18:35,920 --> 00:18:38,040
happening within the schedule 
castes. 

297
00:18:38,640 --> 00:18:41,000
See schedule castes are the 
number one community in the 

298
00:18:41,040 --> 00:18:44,920
state of Karnataka according to 
whatever numbers and it's it's 

299
00:18:44,920 --> 00:18:48,880
it's their enumeration is done 
far more, you know, accurately 

300
00:18:48,880 --> 00:18:52,400
because of again, there was a 
constitutional mandate to do 

301
00:18:52,400 --> 00:18:55,560
that. 
But even under them, the 

302
00:18:55,560 --> 00:19:02,440
Mardigas who are supposedly 60% 
or 65% of 70%, you know, depends

303
00:19:02,440 --> 00:19:07,200
on whatever there is a new 
survey on for to determine what 

304
00:19:07,200 --> 00:19:10,120
the subcasts are within the 
scheduled castes. 

305
00:19:10,640 --> 00:19:15,040
So the Mardigas are claiming 
that see we are dominant but we 

306
00:19:15,040 --> 00:19:17,880
have never enjoyed political 
power like the others. 

307
00:19:17,880 --> 00:19:22,200
So which is Kharge comes from a 
relatively less dominant 

308
00:19:22,200 --> 00:19:27,520
scheduled caste community and KH
Munyappa is compatriot. 

309
00:19:27,960 --> 00:19:31,080
A Dalit compatriot in the 
Congress party comes from a more

310
00:19:31,080 --> 00:19:34,840
dominant sub caste. 
But KH Munyappa has not enjoyed 

311
00:19:34,840 --> 00:19:39,000
as much power as Kharge, so 
they're all very upset. 

312
00:19:39,000 --> 00:19:41,920
They are now. 
They did a padiyatra recently 

313
00:19:42,160 --> 00:19:45,440
and there is a new Commission 
called Justice Naghmohan Das 

314
00:19:45,760 --> 00:19:49,640
Committee which is actually 
trying to look at what is the 

315
00:19:49,640 --> 00:19:52,160
number of the different sub 
castes within the scheduled 

316
00:19:52,160 --> 00:19:55,800
castes. 
The commissions report also says

317
00:19:55,800 --> 00:20:00,520
that look, the Maldigas are 
deserving may be of higher 

318
00:20:01,240 --> 00:20:03,800
reservations or rather really 
any subcategory within a 

319
00:20:03,800 --> 00:20:06,120
category deserves higher 
reservations. 

320
00:20:06,120 --> 00:20:09,560
Like they've in fact endorsed 
the creation of a most backward 

321
00:20:09,560 --> 00:20:13,200
caste sort of thing where which 
is in line with what the Supreme

322
00:20:13,200 --> 00:20:18,080
Court said, you know, to create 
reservations for less dominant 

323
00:20:18,080 --> 00:20:21,040
sub caste. 
So wouldn't the commissions 

324
00:20:21,040 --> 00:20:25,080
reports then be in some ways 
benefiting socio economic 

325
00:20:25,440 --> 00:20:27,960
categories rather than. 
Yeah, you. 

326
00:20:27,960 --> 00:20:30,080
Should remember what we are 
discussing is the backward 

327
00:20:30,080 --> 00:20:33,560
classes survey. 
We are its, its its put out by 

328
00:20:33,560 --> 00:20:36,400
the backward classes, permanent 
backward classes Commission. 

329
00:20:37,040 --> 00:20:40,320
It has got nothing to do with 
the survey of scheduled castes 

330
00:20:40,320 --> 00:20:43,560
and Scheduled Tribes. 
That's a separate thing. 

331
00:20:44,320 --> 00:20:47,280
So they may have made a 
generalized statement, but they 

332
00:20:47,280 --> 00:20:50,880
are not speaking on data. 
This looks exclusively at 

333
00:20:50,880 --> 00:20:54,360
backward casts and backward 
classes and the suggestions that

334
00:20:54,360 --> 00:20:59,200
have been made are for them. 
They have no mandate to get into

335
00:20:59,200 --> 00:21:02,280
the schedule casting. 
Therefore, that has now come to 

336
00:21:02,280 --> 00:21:06,680
the fore where the Mardigas are 
saying that you give us this 

337
00:21:06,680 --> 00:21:08,840
reservated of padiyatra and 
stuff like that, which I 

338
00:21:08,840 --> 00:21:12,400
mentioned and that's why there 
is another committee which is 

339
00:21:12,400 --> 00:21:16,000
looking into it. 
Interestingly, the political 

340
00:21:16,000 --> 00:21:20,200
point to be made here is during 
this entire churning of 10 years

341
00:21:20,200 --> 00:21:24,000
or 15 years when all this has 
been happening, it's always been

342
00:21:24,000 --> 00:21:28,200
Siddaramaiah at the helm. 
He has always dodged the caste 

343
00:21:28,200 --> 00:21:30,680
survey thing first. 
First term, it was ready. 

344
00:21:31,520 --> 00:21:35,120
Now why did he wait until the 
Kantraj Commission report went 

345
00:21:35,120 --> 00:21:37,960
missing? 
It was submitted to him in 2015.

346
00:21:38,320 --> 00:21:41,040
He never did anything. 
He was in power till 2018. 

347
00:21:41,960 --> 00:21:45,720
Then now he says, oh, the report
is lost that the Commission is 

348
00:21:45,720 --> 00:21:48,240
saying that. 
So I think one of the opposition

349
00:21:48,240 --> 00:21:50,560
leaders said it is in his house 
recently. 

350
00:21:51,120 --> 00:21:54,160
So he has to dig it out from his
own residence. 

351
00:21:54,440 --> 00:21:59,880
He is not been sincere as far as
this is concerned because he 

352
00:21:59,880 --> 00:22:02,720
knows the complication. 
He knows the first person who 

353
00:22:02,720 --> 00:22:04,400
would be affected by this will 
be him. 

354
00:22:04,400 --> 00:22:09,040
He's lose, he'll lose power. 
He has now suddenly let out a 

355
00:22:09,040 --> 00:22:14,800
few things so that he retains 
power because there is 

356
00:22:14,800 --> 00:22:17,040
competition to his chair from DK
Shivakumar. 

357
00:22:17,880 --> 00:22:19,880
So that is the political side of
it. 

358
00:22:20,240 --> 00:22:23,640
So he's not he's not saying that
here is the entire report. 

359
00:22:23,960 --> 00:22:27,320
Please look at it and let's do 
it when I am committed to the 

360
00:22:27,320 --> 00:22:28,960
backward classes, which has 
given me power. 

361
00:22:28,960 --> 00:22:32,320
No, he's not saying that. 
They're leaked something today. 

362
00:22:32,520 --> 00:22:34,360
Then they say that is missing 
tomorrow. 

363
00:22:34,600 --> 00:22:39,400
And now the there was a cabinet 
meeting held exclusively to 

364
00:22:39,400 --> 00:22:41,840
discuss this less than a week 
ago. 

365
00:22:42,000 --> 00:22:45,160
They postponed it to May. 
They said we will make 

366
00:22:45,160 --> 00:22:47,560
corrections. 
What corrections will you make 

367
00:22:47,560 --> 00:22:49,560
to data? 
Will you go back and, you know, 

368
00:22:49,560 --> 00:22:52,240
write whatever you want? 
What is the process of 

369
00:22:52,240 --> 00:22:53,680
correction that you're talking 
about? 

370
00:22:54,120 --> 00:22:57,920
And why is it that someone like 
a Veerapa Moili who tried to 

371
00:22:57,920 --> 00:23:01,400
implement the Chinnapa Reddy 
Commission, why is he saying 

372
00:23:01,480 --> 00:23:04,520
that the data is old? 
So they're creating more 

373
00:23:04,520 --> 00:23:08,600
confusion for this thing to be 
postponed because they know 

374
00:23:08,840 --> 00:23:11,880
whenever a chief minister has 
touched this, including Moili 

375
00:23:12,480 --> 00:23:17,480
Moily tried to do these things 
in 94 and the and the results in

376
00:23:17,480 --> 00:23:21,520
94 December was that the 
Congress got the lowest number 

377
00:23:21,520 --> 00:23:26,440
of seats in history because Deve
Gowda had mobilized the entire 

378
00:23:26,840 --> 00:23:29,520
dominant communities to vote 
against the Congress party. 

379
00:23:30,160 --> 00:23:32,600
And rest is history. 
Deve Gowda became chief 

380
00:23:32,600 --> 00:23:34,600
minister, then Prime Minister 
and all of that. 

381
00:23:35,520 --> 00:23:38,160
Its a Hornets Hornets nest as 
they would say. 

382
00:23:38,520 --> 00:23:41,000
You're throwing a stone at a 
beehive and you don't know what 

383
00:23:41,000 --> 00:23:42,280
is going to come back and sting 
you. 

384
00:23:43,960 --> 00:23:46,480
You know in. 
Terms of at least religious 

385
00:23:46,480 --> 00:23:50,600
data, when you look at it, it 
doesn't seem to hint at this 

386
00:23:50,760 --> 00:23:53,840
sort of explosion of Muslim 
population, which is something 

387
00:23:53,840 --> 00:23:58,760
the BJP has constantly spoken of
and and its not just in 

388
00:23:58,760 --> 00:24:02,600
Karnataka, its nationally. 
But does this finding then 

389
00:24:02,600 --> 00:24:05,600
effectively say that? 
Well, that's not a cause for 

390
00:24:05,600 --> 00:24:08,320
worry. 
In this survey, they are dumb. 

391
00:24:08,320 --> 00:24:10,040
They're saying this. 
They're not saying that their 

392
00:24:10,040 --> 00:24:12,240
number has gone up. 
They are telling you this is 

393
00:24:12,240 --> 00:24:16,000
their number. 
The rate of growth of Muslims 

394
00:24:16,000 --> 00:24:18,960
has come down in India. 
That is a acknowledged fact. 

395
00:24:19,280 --> 00:24:22,400
But they're saying that this is 
their real number here in 

396
00:24:22,400 --> 00:24:26,440
Karnataka, but they're also 
identifying sabkas under that. 

397
00:24:26,800 --> 00:24:29,920
There may be some people who 
have benefited from the 

398
00:24:29,920 --> 00:24:33,320
government schemes much more 
than somebody else. 

399
00:24:33,920 --> 00:24:36,880
There is no commentary being 
made on the growth in their 

400
00:24:36,880 --> 00:24:39,800
number, but it has a political 
implication. 

401
00:24:39,800 --> 00:24:43,720
I think you hinted it correctly 
because the moment you say 

402
00:24:44,000 --> 00:24:47,680
Muslims are the second most 
dominant community in this 

403
00:24:47,680 --> 00:24:52,920
state, a Congress chief minister
whose chair is shaking terribly 

404
00:24:53,480 --> 00:24:58,960
is making way for a kind of 
polarized narrative to be set by

405
00:24:58,960 --> 00:25:02,240
the BJP. 
So Siddaramaiah is not helping 

406
00:25:02,240 --> 00:25:05,480
the Congress. 
Siddaramaiah's philosophy seems 

407
00:25:05,480 --> 00:25:09,600
to be after me, the deluge. 
I have been chief minister for a

408
00:25:09,600 --> 00:25:12,040
longer period, for a long period
of time. 

409
00:25:12,680 --> 00:25:17,840
So if I let this thing in about 
Muslims that the BJP will 

410
00:25:17,840 --> 00:25:21,600
exploit that. 
And if the BJP begins to exploit

411
00:25:21,720 --> 00:25:26,000
the religious, and now after 
Pahelgam, it's even more, you 

412
00:25:26,000 --> 00:25:28,560
know, dominant kind of a 
narrative that's going to get 

413
00:25:28,560 --> 00:25:31,920
played. 
And if that is going to be 

414
00:25:31,920 --> 00:25:34,880
exploited, his rival will never 
be chief minister. 

415
00:25:35,440 --> 00:25:39,040
It will take him, I think, a 
decade or two to sort of come 

416
00:25:39,040 --> 00:25:42,480
back to think. 
So he may be actually playing a 

417
00:25:42,480 --> 00:25:44,520
very nasty political game. 
We don't know. 

418
00:25:45,000 --> 00:25:47,200
I'm making this is my political 
reading. 

419
00:25:47,200 --> 00:25:51,560
I want to be very clear on that.
So finally, should rather than 

420
00:25:51,880 --> 00:25:57,480
do you see any change in the 
reservation π based on this, in 

421
00:25:57,480 --> 00:26:01,360
this governments term? 
Or really, how do you see this 

422
00:26:01,360 --> 00:26:05,160
going forward? 
So I will caviate it by saying 

423
00:26:05,160 --> 00:26:08,480
that we don't have data. 
I have not seen data. 

424
00:26:08,920 --> 00:26:11,440
I have not seen a socio economic
data at all. 

425
00:26:11,960 --> 00:26:15,800
So I do, I really don't know. 
So I will not put my money on 

426
00:26:15,800 --> 00:26:17,720
something and say that we have 
data. 

427
00:26:17,880 --> 00:26:21,080
So let's go ahead and do this. 
No, I think it's a very 

428
00:26:21,080 --> 00:26:24,800
difficult call to make. 
I find it very difficult to say 

429
00:26:24,800 --> 00:26:29,360
that if this process will go on 
or not is a very difficult thing

430
00:26:29,360 --> 00:26:32,440
to say because they're playing 
political games around. 

431
00:26:32,440 --> 00:26:37,200
They're not actually interested 
in the welfare, socio economic, 

432
00:26:37,240 --> 00:26:40,520
educational welfare of the 
marginalized communities. 

433
00:26:40,840 --> 00:26:42,400
They're all playing political 
games. 

434
00:26:42,400 --> 00:26:44,440
They're looking at 
constituencies, they're looking 

435
00:26:44,440 --> 00:26:48,960
at power games. 
So if that is the basic motive 

436
00:26:48,960 --> 00:26:53,720
and intent, then how can you 
sort of do anything sincerely 

437
00:26:54,840 --> 00:26:55,760
so. 
Def. 

438
00:26:55,840 --> 00:26:58,800
Karnataka is definitely not 
going to be providing a model 

439
00:26:58,840 --> 00:27:02,440
for the Congress to say that 
look, we've done it here, look 

440
00:27:02,440 --> 00:27:05,440
how it worked. 
No, far from that. 

441
00:27:05,440 --> 00:27:08,080
I think it will explode. 
There's already something 

442
00:27:08,080 --> 00:27:11,800
happening and I think there will
be some kind of an explosion 

443
00:27:11,800 --> 00:27:14,880
because it's going to be 
chaotic, anarchic and we don't 

444
00:27:14,880 --> 00:27:16,840
know how. 
The dominant communities, if 

445
00:27:16,840 --> 00:27:19,000
they sort of there is a 
standoffish attitude and they 

446
00:27:19,000 --> 00:27:20,600
all decide to leave the 
government. 

447
00:27:20,920 --> 00:27:23,200
Don't forget there is a mutt 
system. 

448
00:27:23,200 --> 00:27:26,960
There is a seminary network in 
Karnataka for the Lingayas and 

449
00:27:26,960 --> 00:27:31,480
that seminary network, the 
Matas, that network has been 

450
00:27:31,480 --> 00:27:35,240
replicated by all castes, 
backwards, scheduled caste, 

451
00:27:35,240 --> 00:27:39,920
scheduled tribes, everybody. 
The caste mobilization thing can

452
00:27:39,920 --> 00:27:43,200
actually affect. 
If somebody says I am a victim 

453
00:27:43,200 --> 00:27:45,320
of this whole process, then they
can all. 

454
00:27:45,480 --> 00:27:49,120
If the mutts decide that the 
Lingayat MLAs and ministers 

455
00:27:49,120 --> 00:27:51,040
should come out of the Congress 
thing, what will you do? 

456
00:27:51,680 --> 00:27:54,120
If the colleagues decide 
something similar, what will you

457
00:27:54,120 --> 00:27:56,880
do? 
Or if they all come together and

458
00:27:56,880 --> 00:28:00,600
decide to throw out the existing
Chief minister and his cabal, 

459
00:28:00,600 --> 00:28:03,760
what will you do? 
So these are loud political 

460
00:28:03,760 --> 00:28:09,160
questions that we need to ask. 
Today's episode was produced by 

461
00:28:09,160 --> 00:28:13,760
Jayraj Singh and Sahil Gupta. 
For a daily spotlight on people,

462
00:28:13,760 --> 00:28:16,800
ideas and stories that matter, 
subscribe to us. 

463
00:28:17,040 --> 00:28:20,960
We're available on the Times of 
India website, Spotify, Apple, 

464
00:28:21,080 --> 00:28:24,000
Amazon, or wherever else you get
your podcast. 

465
00:28:24,520 --> 00:28:26,920
For any new steps of feedback, 
mail me at 

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00:28:26,960 --> 00:28:29,880
arun.george@timesgroup.com.
