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From India's largest newsroom, 
I'm Arun George, and this is The

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Times of India. 
Podcast on the. 11th of 

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September, Prime Minister 
Narendra Modi turned up at the 

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Delhi residence of the Chief 
Justice of India DY 

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Chandrachoor. 
The reason was to participate in

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the Ganesh Utsav celebrations 
taking place at the Chief 

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Justice's home. 
Videos showed the Prime Minister

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and the Chief Justice and his 
wife participating in a ceremony

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in which the Prime Minister wore
a Gandhi cap, most commonly 

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associated with Ganesh devotees 
in Maharashtra. 

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There was number audio to the 
video feed released in the 

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public domain, and all that 
could be heard through the video

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is the tinkling of a bell during
the puja. 

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Criticism for the event came 
from various opposition parties 

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as well as senior advocates of 
the Supreme Court. 

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The. 
Issue is not individual. 

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The issue is what impact such a 
clip has on the minds of people.

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Just a little over a week after 
this incident, the Supreme Court

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led by the Chief Justice had to 
come into the government's delay

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in appointing judges to the high
courts of various states as well

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as the Supreme Court. 
The Supreme Court has also 

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intervened and paused what has 
been called bulldozer justice in

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multiple states where a person 
accused of a crime has seen 

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their home demolished for 
alleged violations. 

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In today's episode, we're in 
conversation with political 

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scientist Suhas Pal Shekhar 
about various aspects of the 

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courts dealing with the 
government and the message 

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something like the Prime 
Minister turning up at the CJ's 

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house sends. 
Professor Palshikar, who is the 

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Co director of electoral think 
tank Lokniti analyzes these 

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issues and more. 
In conversation with my 

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colleague Alka Dukar and me, 
we're talking about the Ganesh 

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Utsav visit of the Prime 
Minister, the ties between the 

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judiciary and the government and
much more. 

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The judiciary has been doing a 
balancing act with the executive

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for a while now, especially in 
terms of appointment of judges 

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to higher judiciary. 
Could the PM's visit to the 

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Chief Justice whom be viewed as 
just another such event to keep 

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the peace? 
Let's first address the first 

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part of your question about the 
balancing act. 

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You know, the judiciary always 
has to do this balancing act 

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because it is always positioned 
as an adversary of the 

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executive, as a protector of the
Constitution. 

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The judiciary is a protector of 
citizens rights. 

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The judiciary is protector of 
norms. 

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The judiciary is protector of 
its own independence and 

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therefore it has to constantly 
do a balancing act in the sense 

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that it has to give a space to 
the executive and the 

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legislature and at the same time
constantly watch whether they 

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are overstepping in 
appointments. 

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In India, at least currently, 
the Supreme Court and its 

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collegium have vast powers in 
principle in India. 

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Through historical processes and
judicial decisions, the Supreme 

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Court has finally in the last 
quarter of a century, taken over

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the powers of appointing judges 
to the High Courts and the 

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Supreme Court itself. 
On the ground that consultation,

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which is the word used in the 
Constitution, means that the 

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advice given by the judiciary 
shall be binding on the 

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executive. 
Which then means that once the 

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judiciary has given the list of 
judges to the government, the 

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government has to appoint them 
there. 

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The balancing act so far has 
been rather awkward because on a

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number of occasions the 
government has simply refused to

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appoint the judges recommended 
by the courts on some ground or 

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the other and sometimes not 
giving any grounds and not 

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taking any action at all. 
Supreme Court has again and 

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again warned the government that
it has to act on the lists that 

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are recommended by the 
collegium. 

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The latest as we speak has been 
a case where the Supreme Court 

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has finally asked the government
to give a specific presentation 

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of what happened to each of the 
recommendation of the collegium.

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Quickly then the government 
started appointing a few judges 

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to the high courts. 
So here I think the Supreme 

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Court needed to be more 
assertive as far as the current 

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position between the executive 
and the judiciary is concerned. 

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The third part of your question 
is rather comical event of the 

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Prime Minister of the country 
suddenly going to the residence 

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of the Chief Justice of India to
join him in the worshipping of 

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Lord Ganesh on the occasion of 
Ganesh festival which is a most 

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popular festival in Maharashtra.
Particularly. 

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We don't know what happened. 
There has been no official 

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explanation either by the Office
of the Chief Justice or the 

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Prime Minister whether 
specifically the Chief Justice 

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invited the Prime Minister to 
attend the puja during Ganesh 

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festival at his residence. 
If that is the case, that would 

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probably a very serious blow to 
judicial independence. 

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If on the other hand, the Prime 
Minister had an evinced interest

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in joining the Chief Justice 
during the puja, as I said, it 

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would be a comical situation 
because then one is imposing 

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oneself on the Chief Justice and
in that situation we don't know 

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how the Chief Justice could have
handled this situation. 

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To make matters worse, the Prime
Minister went, as always, with a

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camera crew and therefore a 
private event. 

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It could have been a private 
event and we could have 

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discussed it separately whether 
for even a private event, Prime 

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Minister should go to the 
residence of the Chief Justice. 

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But at least it could have been 
a private, quiet event. 

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Instead of that, it became a 
national spectacle and that's 

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why it is extremely awkward but 
at the same time objectionable 

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that the two should be seen as 
joining in a prayer at the 

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residence of the Chief Justice. 
Then the previous examples were 

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cited where previously Prime 
Minister had met the Chief 

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Justice of India in one of such 
events. 

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Our public sphere is full of 
What about tree these days. 

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So let us say that if that time 
we were discussing it, we could 

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have discussed the merits of 
those issues. 

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But as far as I know, the events
that were dugout of past 

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meetings of such dignitaries 
during festivities where public 

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meetings, public festivals, a 
party is thrown by the dignitary

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and then other dignitaries join 
where it is not a tete, It is 

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not a face to face meeting just 
between the Prime Minister and 

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the Chief Justice nor at the 
residence. 

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So there is a difference. 
But I would say yes, in public 

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life, such dignitaries, 
president, Prime Minister, 

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chiefs of army staff, do mingle 
with each other formally, which 

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is way different from a Prime 
Minister individually going to a

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chief Justice's residence. 
And when there are no other 

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dignitaries present, that makes 
poor show of our institutions. 

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And the Prime Minister also 
presented an obvious nod to 

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Maharashtra elections with his 
dressing for the occasion. 

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How much does such iconography, 
the visit to the CJI and the 

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outfit really help politically? 
The Prime Minister has a very 

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smart sense of dress, so 
obviously he would go to a 

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Marathi Chief Justice for a 
so-called Marathi festival, 

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giving an indication that he 
understands the Marathi ways of 

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how to present oneself before 
the deity at the time of the 

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festival. 
The Prime Minister always does 

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it and whatever benefit he 
accrues from it, he always does 

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it. 
This time around I don't think 

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it would matter much for the 
simple reason that this is a 

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routine, in a sense spectacle 
that the Prime Minister, in his 

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dress or headgear or language, 
would try to address a 

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particular constituency which is
going to elections. 

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The trouble, however, is that 
this happened in September. 

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Elections in Maharashtra are yet
to be declared and therefore by 

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that time this particular 
presentation by the Prime 

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Minister would probably have 
been forgotten. 

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So I don't see any great 
political conspiracy behind it. 

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I don't see that this is 
something where the Chief 

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Justice has compromised his 
independence completely. 

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What I am saying is that it is 
poor show as far as 

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institutional pride and boundary
lines are concerned. 

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You say that it doesn't impact 
politically, it shows the 

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institutions in a bad light. 
Then what is the purpose of such

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an event at all then? 
If you ask me why the Prime 

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Minister might have gone there 
and we don't know the purposes 

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and intentions, and therefore 
rather than why he might have 

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gone, I would say what would be 
the effect? 

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And the effect I think is that 
it generally shows judiciary in 

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bad light and thus in the long 
run delegitimizes the 

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institution. 
That is the effect. 

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The Prime Minister might have 
gone just casually. 

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The Prime Minister might have 
gone because the deity at the 

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Chief Justice's house must be 
particularly kind hearted and 

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therefore the Prime Minister 
wanted that deity's blazing. 

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You know, in Pune, where I stay,
there are Ganesh deities which 

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are seen particularly very 
benevolent. 

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So you go and pray them. 
So that may be the story, I 

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don't know. 
I have no personal knowledge 

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about the kind heartedness of 
the Ganesh deity at the Chief 

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Justice's house. 
So I wouldn't go into 

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intentions. 
But I would definitely say this,

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that this is bad, not because 
the Prime Minister would have 

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asked the Chief Justice to do 
something, not because the Chief

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Justice would really buckle in, 
but simply because it shows that

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the judiciary can be taken for a
ride. 

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Judges are not above sort of a 
pedestal. 

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That is the signal that this 
particular event gives. 

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And after this visit when Prime 
Minister visited Maharashtra 

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there he attacked Congress 
saying Congress is against 

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Ganesh pooja. 
Usamaibi Ganesh aajbi samaj ko 

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baatne satta ke bhuke logo ko 
Ganesh. 

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That is how public discourse is 
shaping these days, that you say

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one thing and then you impute 
something else to others so that

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the entire public discussion 
discourse is vitiated. 

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So that's bound to happen. 
And that's why I thought that if

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this could have been avoided by 
the Chief Justice of India, 

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perhaps that could have been 
great because you don't know the

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consequences of this rather than
that is best avoided. 

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Aloofness is much better than 
judges being too vocal and 

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public celebrities. 
Judges shouldn't be public 

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celebrities. 
Judges shouldn't be giving paid 

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talks, for example, while they 
are sitting on the bench. 

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Judges should be simply giving 
rulings. 

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What does all of this say about 
the judiciary at this time when 

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you also have things like the 
government easing the entry of 

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government employees into the 
RSS? 

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How do you view all these events
at the same time? 

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Let's say, first, political 
inclinations, that is to say, 

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not necessarily partisan, but 
political ideological 

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inclinations among judges are 
bound to be there. 

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And it's a very complex task for
any appointing authority to 

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determine whether a person 
should be appointed as a judge 

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or not simply on the basis of 
his or her ideological 

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inclination. 
The assumption is that even if 

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you have a certain ideological 
viewpoints, you operate within 

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the constitutional framework and
#2 that the Constitution does 

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not preclude various ideologies.
It doesn't sort of throw away 

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various ideologies. 
And therefore it's alright if 

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you have a communist ideology as
in the case of Justice VK 

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Krishna here earlier. 
But at the same time, the 

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trouble is that when there are 
very sensitive political cases 

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in terms of like the cases that 
were allegedly discussed at the 

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VHP event about mosques which 
are contested, whether they are 

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temples or mosques. 
Given the history of the Ram 

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Janmabhoomi and the Ayodhya 
controversy, you will find that 

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again it is very difficult for 
judges to get involved or not 

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get involved in such ideological
events. 

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At an extreme, one could 
therefore say that the best 

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thing for judges would be not 
get involved in politics after 

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retirement. 
And politics here means in 

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public affairs at all, at all. 
And that doesn't happen. 

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I think we have come to a stage 
where rather than leaving things

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to the discretion and good 
wishes of the office holders, we

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need to search clearly have a 
norm that after retirement, no 

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public engagement full stop. 
Once that happens, this 

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possibility might get reduced to
some extent. 

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But even then, if I have a 
certain ideological inclination,

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I get entrance into the 
judiciary and then sit on 

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certain benches that are 
discussing politically sensitive

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cases. 
It becomes a very difficult 

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moral issue, both for the public
as well As for the judge. 

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How to keep aside his or her 
ideological inclinations and 

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consider what the Constitution 
expects in this particular case?

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This argument that the executive
and judiciary must be separated 

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has been violated multiple 
times, most recently with a 

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serving Calcutta judge retiring 
to contest on a BJP ticket. 

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What are the political benefits 
of keeping one's party doors 

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open to judges? 
You know, for any political 

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00:16:19,840 --> 00:16:24,320
party, for any political 
dispensation, if dignitaries 

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00:16:24,320 --> 00:16:27,640
join it, it sort of adds to its 
legitimacy. 

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00:16:28,400 --> 00:16:33,000
And particularly in the instance
you cite in West Bengal where 

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00:16:33,000 --> 00:16:38,720
the BJP is an opposition, when a
High Court judge quits and joins

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00:16:39,080 --> 00:16:45,320
or retires and joins, it means a
lot as far as messages to the 

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00:16:45,320 --> 00:16:49,400
public are concerned that here 
is a High Court judge who joins 

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an opposition party in that 
particular state. 

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That is why in fact, there has 
always been a discussion about 

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what is technically known as the
cooling of period, that if you 

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00:17:00,240 --> 00:17:06,119
are holding an important office,
then there should be a gap, an 

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00:17:06,119 --> 00:17:10,599
interval before you join any 
political party or join active 

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00:17:10,599 --> 00:17:15,440
politics. 
Unfortunately, in India, there 

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00:17:15,440 --> 00:17:20,640
is no strict norm about it nor 
is there any rule or legislation

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00:17:20,880 --> 00:17:24,599
prohibiting it. 
It again makes a very poor show 

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00:17:24,880 --> 00:17:29,800
of our institution when judges 
overnight join a political party

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00:17:30,160 --> 00:17:34,760
except political offices offered
by a ruling party like an 

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00:17:34,760 --> 00:17:38,280
earlier Chief Justice of India 
becoming a Rajya Sabha member. 

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00:17:38,560 --> 00:17:41,640
These are all bad practices in 
any case. 

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00:17:42,680 --> 00:17:46,120
The Supreme Court has struck 
down, temporarily, the bulldozer

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00:17:46,120 --> 00:17:49,200
justice model that multiple 
chief ministers have been 

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00:17:49,200 --> 00:17:52,480
touting as a success. 
How do you view this verdict, 

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00:17:52,480 --> 00:17:56,160
which now seeks to put in place 
guidelines for such actions? 

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Generally, yes. 
Good. 

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After all that the judiciary 
stepped in, yes. 

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But a the judiciary need not 
have to be called into stepping 

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00:18:06,560 --> 00:18:10,360
in the 1st place because this is
blatantly illegal. 

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That if I am an accused, I am 
innocent till proven guilty in 

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the 1st place. 
But even if I am proven guilty, 

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00:18:20,560 --> 00:18:24,840
my family need not be penalized 
for that and therefore this 

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00:18:25,280 --> 00:18:30,240
barbaric idea of using 
bulldozers against families of 

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00:18:30,520 --> 00:18:35,800
so-called accused, mafia 
culprits, terrorists, whoever is

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00:18:35,800 --> 00:18:39,080
anti democratic. 
It shouldn't have happened and 

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00:18:39,080 --> 00:18:42,320
if it happened, the governments 
themselves should have 

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00:18:42,640 --> 00:18:46,520
controlled and self regulated. 
Now the Supreme Court has 

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00:18:46,520 --> 00:18:49,760
stepped in. 
But look, the Supreme Court, and

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00:18:49,760 --> 00:18:52,520
that goes to your first question
of balancing act. 

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The Supreme Court sort of trades
very carefully. 

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00:18:56,960 --> 00:19:02,880
It criticizes the bulldozer kind
of practices, but it says that 

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temporarily don't do it till we 
draw guidelines. 

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00:19:08,000 --> 00:19:10,080
Now you know what will happen to
guidelines. 

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00:19:10,520 --> 00:19:14,480
It is not the job of the 
judiciary to give guidelines to 

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00:19:14,480 --> 00:19:17,520
the executive. 
So obviously in those guidelines

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00:19:17,680 --> 00:19:21,360
it would be implied that the 
government should finally 

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00:19:21,360 --> 00:19:24,480
prepare guidelines. 
And you know, what happened to 

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00:19:24,480 --> 00:19:28,520
the instructions of appointment 
of election commissioners, how 

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00:19:28,520 --> 00:19:32,120
the government overcame that and
had its own way. 

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00:19:32,600 --> 00:19:40,000
So this entire thing may be good
in bad times, but basically too 

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00:19:40,000 --> 00:19:43,520
little, too late, or we don't 
know whether even there is 

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00:19:43,520 --> 00:19:46,120
anything little because we don't
know the guidelines yet. 

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00:19:46,560 --> 00:19:48,640
So it's only a temporary 
respite. 

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00:19:49,520 --> 00:19:53,680
The Supreme Court, if it wanted 
to really establish rule of law,

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00:19:53,680 --> 00:20:00,360
should have simply said that in 
any condition, this kind of use 

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00:20:00,680 --> 00:20:06,160
of bulldozers against persons 
unrelated to the crime or 

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00:20:06,160 --> 00:20:09,760
perpetrated crime is illegal. 
Don't do it. 

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00:20:09,960 --> 00:20:12,880
Blanket No. 
That has not been done. 

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00:20:13,520 --> 00:20:16,680
The RSS has been in the news 
since the election results due 

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00:20:16,680 --> 00:20:19,320
to statements made by the 
leaders, which is seen as 

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00:20:19,320 --> 00:20:22,680
directed at the Prime Minister. 
We ask Professor Palshekar how 

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00:20:22,680 --> 00:20:26,600
he viewed these statements. 
Given the consecutive statements

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00:20:26,800 --> 00:20:31,480
made by the RSS chief and senior
RSS leaders in recent past, do 

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00:20:31,480 --> 00:20:34,000
you believe that the rift 
between the Bharatiya Janata 

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00:20:34,000 --> 00:20:38,720
Party and the RSS is widening or
is it merely a show for the 

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00:20:38,720 --> 00:20:41,520
public? 
No, I don't think it is a show 

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00:20:41,520 --> 00:20:43,720
for the public. 
I think there is a serious 

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00:20:43,720 --> 00:20:47,480
difference between the two, and 
that is bound to be there for a 

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00:20:47,480 --> 00:20:52,000
variety of reasons. 
Historically, when the current 

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00:20:52,000 --> 00:20:55,120
Prime Minister was chief 
minister of Gujarat and even 

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00:20:55,120 --> 00:20:59,080
earlier when he was not chief 
minister of Gujarat, he had a 

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00:20:59,080 --> 00:21:03,720
very tenuous relationship with 
the RSS organization. 

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00:21:04,320 --> 00:21:07,600
It is only for mutual 
convenience and particularly the

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00:21:07,640 --> 00:21:12,400
RSS convenience that the RSS 
piggybacked on Prime Minister 

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00:21:12,400 --> 00:21:14,960
Narendra Modi when he rose to 
prominence. 

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00:21:15,560 --> 00:21:18,440
Because the RSS must have 
thought that here is a golden 

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00:21:18,440 --> 00:21:23,800
opportunity for them to extend 
their cultural reach across the 

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00:21:23,800 --> 00:21:27,960
country with the popularity of 
Prime Minister Narendra Modi. 

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00:21:28,320 --> 00:21:31,080
So they did it. 
The second reason why there is a

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00:21:31,080 --> 00:21:36,440
kind of tension between the two 
is the personality of the Prime 

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00:21:36,440 --> 00:21:40,600
Minister himself. 
The RSS, whether you like it or 

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00:21:40,600 --> 00:21:45,720
not, doesn't believe in 
competition from other leaders. 

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00:21:46,360 --> 00:21:51,160
Its faith is that its own 
leadership is autonomous and 

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00:21:51,160 --> 00:21:56,600
self-sufficient and therefore a 
leader of the party which they 

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00:21:56,600 --> 00:22:01,920
see as their extension cannot be
above the RSS and RSS 

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00:22:01,920 --> 00:22:04,800
leadership. 
Whereas the personality of the 

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00:22:04,800 --> 00:22:08,280
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is 
such that he cannot be 

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00:22:08,280 --> 00:22:12,560
subservient or second to any 
other leader within their 

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00:22:12,560 --> 00:22:17,240
organization now, particularly 
when he has a certified 

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00:22:17,240 --> 00:22:19,840
popularity through 3 elections 
so far. 

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00:22:20,280 --> 00:22:23,880
And that is where I think these 
clashes are occurring. 

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00:22:24,360 --> 00:22:28,160
I don't think these clashes are 
necessarily ideological though, 

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00:22:28,680 --> 00:22:35,440
because the RSS doesn't bother 
much about economic policies. 

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00:22:35,520 --> 00:22:38,040
Though they have their own take 
on economic policies. 

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00:22:38,400 --> 00:22:42,320
They are always willing to 
compromise on that so long as 

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00:22:42,600 --> 00:22:45,960
their cultural policies are 
acceptable to the existing 

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00:22:45,960 --> 00:22:50,120
government, which they are as 
far as the current existing 

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00:22:50,160 --> 00:22:52,600
national or All India government
is concerned. 

325
00:22:52,880 --> 00:22:55,760
So I don't think it has more too
much to do with ideological 

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00:22:55,760 --> 00:22:59,160
differences, but personality 
clashes, clashes of 

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00:22:59,160 --> 00:23:04,160
organizational style and 
historical clash between Mr. 

328
00:23:04,160 --> 00:23:08,600
Modi and the RSS. 
When the government lifted the 

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00:23:08,600 --> 00:23:13,640
ban for its employee to join the
Rashiya Swamsakhsanga, you have 

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00:23:13,640 --> 00:23:17,800
said that with this decision, 
formalization of the idea of the

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00:23:17,800 --> 00:23:21,720
Hindu state has been taken one 
step further. 

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00:23:22,040 --> 00:23:27,720
Would you please describe it and
the risk or like effects of it? 

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00:23:28,760 --> 00:23:33,800
See, there had been a ban on 
membership of RSS if you are a 

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00:23:33,920 --> 00:23:36,920
civil servant. 
Whether that ban was effective 

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00:23:36,920 --> 00:23:41,000
or not, whether it made any 
difference or not, can always be

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00:23:41,000 --> 00:23:46,480
debated. 
But that ban meant that RSS is 

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00:23:46,840 --> 00:23:51,640
having a certain ideological 
position which is in 

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00:23:51,640 --> 00:23:56,960
contravention to the ethics of a
public servant, namely that she 

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00:23:56,960 --> 00:24:01,400
should be serving the entire 
public body of citizens 

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00:24:01,640 --> 00:24:06,400
irrespective of their religions.
A religious organization which 

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00:24:06,400 --> 00:24:10,280
clearly says that it is a 
religious organization, how can 

342
00:24:10,280 --> 00:24:13,080
you be a member of that 
organization and then serve the 

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00:24:13,080 --> 00:24:17,320
entire public? 
That contradiction is there now 

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00:24:17,320 --> 00:24:21,320
that ban has been lifted. 
With the lifting of that ban, we

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00:24:21,320 --> 00:24:26,080
now accept that even if you are 
a member of a Hindutva 

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00:24:26,080 --> 00:24:30,440
organization, you can still 
continue to be a civil servant. 

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00:24:31,200 --> 00:24:34,720
In a sense, this connects to the
discussion of judges having 

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00:24:34,720 --> 00:24:39,920
Hindutva inclination as well, 
and both questions come together

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00:24:40,120 --> 00:24:45,160
as a major challenge. 
I think that over the last few 

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00:24:45,160 --> 00:24:49,480
years we are gradually moving to
a de facto Hindu state. 

351
00:24:50,360 --> 00:24:54,440
It is not a legal Hindu state 
yet and probably that's the only

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00:24:54,440 --> 00:24:59,280
difference so far between a 
formerly religion based state 

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00:24:59,560 --> 00:25:02,200
and India. 
It's still not there. 

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00:25:02,600 --> 00:25:07,640
But otherwise, the entire 
symbolism from the consecration 

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00:25:07,920 --> 00:25:13,240
of the Ayodhya temple by the 
Prime Minister himself to this 

356
00:25:13,240 --> 00:25:17,080
small thing of lifting the ban 
on RSS membership as far as 

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00:25:17,080 --> 00:25:21,480
civil servants are concerned, 
are all steps, small steps, 

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00:25:21,600 --> 00:25:27,280
sometimes big steps that allow 
Hindutva elements to capture the

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00:25:27,280 --> 00:25:33,560
Indian state and Hindutva also 
to become the main ideological 

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00:25:33,560 --> 00:25:36,680
identity of the country. 
That has now been allowed. 

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00:25:37,120 --> 00:25:41,400
And that is what I meant when I 
said that a small step further 

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00:25:41,680 --> 00:25:44,920
in making India a de facto 
Hindutva state. 

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00:25:46,000 --> 00:25:48,680
Then the argument is what's 
wrong in it. 

364
00:25:49,000 --> 00:25:53,800
If this is the de facto Don 
Hindutva ideology and 

365
00:25:53,800 --> 00:25:58,840
constitutional values, how it is
clashing this identity to the 

366
00:25:58,840 --> 00:26:04,000
constitutional values of India? 
It clashes fundamentally because

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00:26:04,600 --> 00:26:09,840
the Constitution in in the sense
presupposes equality of all 

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00:26:09,840 --> 00:26:14,080
citizens, equal treatment of all
citizens irrespective of their 

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00:26:14,080 --> 00:26:17,560
religions. 
Whereas Hindutva as an ideology 

370
00:26:18,160 --> 00:26:21,880
in many of their writings but 
more in their practice believe 

371
00:26:22,320 --> 00:26:27,800
in Hindus having a preeminent 
position in a Hindu majority 

372
00:26:27,800 --> 00:26:30,800
Indian society. 
And that is the difference 

373
00:26:31,120 --> 00:26:33,960
between the Constitution and the
idea of Hindutva. 

374
00:26:34,840 --> 00:26:39,120
Citizenship is irrespective of 
Oregon without regard to 

375
00:26:39,120 --> 00:26:43,960
religion in the Constitution. 
The Hindutva ideology may say 

376
00:26:43,960 --> 00:26:48,160
that we have no objection to 
that but there should also be a 

377
00:26:48,160 --> 00:26:53,480
preeminence of Hindus and 
Hindutva ideas in this Indian 

378
00:26:53,480 --> 00:26:57,960
society generally. 
What I then distinguish is the 

379
00:26:57,960 --> 00:27:04,760
constitutional framework is 
broadly pluralist, secular, 

380
00:27:05,320 --> 00:27:10,880
based on diversity, whereas 
Hindutu idea has a narrow 

381
00:27:11,200 --> 00:27:15,040
understanding of pluralism. 
They would say yes, pluralism is

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00:27:15,040 --> 00:27:17,960
there in Hindu religion but 
that's not the point. 

383
00:27:18,280 --> 00:27:22,480
It has a limited idea of 
citizenship also and therefore 

384
00:27:22,480 --> 00:27:26,800
the clash is at the fundamental 
or foundational values of the 

385
00:27:26,800 --> 00:27:31,160
constitution. 
To be blunt and provocative, I 

386
00:27:31,160 --> 00:27:36,560
would therefore say that to be a
proponent of Hindutva is in 

387
00:27:36,560 --> 00:27:43,000
direct contrast or in direct 
negation of upholding the 

388
00:27:43,000 --> 00:27:46,080
Constitution. 
If you uphold the Constitution, 

389
00:27:46,280 --> 00:27:49,440
you can't uphold Hindutva. 
If you uphold Hindutva, you 

390
00:27:49,440 --> 00:27:51,840
can't be upholding the 
Constitution. 

391
00:27:52,360 --> 00:27:56,560
When there is a political 
ideology that cuts at the roots 

392
00:27:56,560 --> 00:28:01,040
of the Constitution, you have to
then clearly say that this is 

393
00:28:01,360 --> 00:28:05,600
outside of the Constitution, and
something that is outside of the

394
00:28:05,600 --> 00:28:09,520
Constitution is very difficult 
to reconcile with the 

395
00:28:09,520 --> 00:28:14,360
Constitution. 
Today's episode was produced by 

396
00:28:14,360 --> 00:28:18,920
Jayraj Singh and Sahil Gupta. 
For a daily spotlight on people,

397
00:28:18,920 --> 00:28:22,920
ideas and stories that matter, 
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398
00:28:22,920 --> 00:28:27,120
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00:28:27,120 --> 00:28:29,160
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400
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