I'll start by telling you my story.
So let me tell you a story about a young man who went to the big
city to as young people do to try to make it in the big city
professionally in their career and so forth.
And I, that was that young man was me.
So spoiler alert, but I, I had a really unique job.
I I had AI, had a job where I interacted with every single
level of society, every class, every nationality.
From kitchen Porter to the dust man to the plumber, to middle
management, to corporate officers, to CEOs, to the
chairman of the biggest investment banks in the world,
to government officials, politicians, celebrities and
their entourages. Even the royal family and quote
global elites is a very unique job and surprisingly accessible.
And it didn't pay extremely well, but it paid well if you
worked enough hours. So I, I, I observed a lot.
I watched a lot. The entry point was through the
hospitality industry and the events industry.
So you kind of a family on the wall for everybody in society.
And the more I watched and observed, the more I got very
interested in how the machinery of society and the world and
politics fascinated how commerce, industry, banking, how
this all works, how this this thing works, this machinery
works, and everybody playing this role in this thing we call
society and the world. But I wasn't really politically
active. I read a lot.
I read a lot of newspapers. Every week I'd buy a big stack
by every single newspaper, from the News of the World to the
Guardian, Telegraph, everything in between, there's a big stack.
I spent most Saturdays and Sundays going through it over
coffee. And then a couple of significant
global events took place, which had a profound impact on me in
the sense that I they pulled me in to become more active.
I was pulled off the sidelines of watching what was going on
and being informed. One of them was the second
intifada in Palestine. That was late 90s.
And before that, my knowledge of Israel and Palestine, the Middle
East was, was murky at best, typical American worldview
basically. And then 9/11 happened.
And that was also interesting because I was, I was an American
in London. So I was removed for I was out
of the, the, the blast zone, if you will, Ground Zero, not just
the World Trade Centres, but Ground Zero of the propaganda
and the gravitational pull in America.
In terms of propaganda war, it's powerful.
If those of you who have spent time in that country or been
there during a major war, you know what I'm talking about.
The indoctrination is, is is really powerful and I was
outside of that for 911. So that kind of gave me a little
bit of breathing space to look at 911 from a not a safe
distance, but a good enough. This I remember I was, I was, I
was in, I was working in Hanover Square in London.
I was in the the head offices of Conde Nest publications.
I just cycled all the way from Fulham, sweaty to get to work on
time as I don't, yeah, it was September obviously, but, but I
remember watching it on the the screen in one of the meeting
rooms and I was just like, wow, this is incredible.
And there's a lot of events like that.
Then the Iraq war happened and that was that.
That more than anything the the Palestinian issue I've been
active on in for 25 years. And it's because of my personal
connection with that community. I was living in a place they
called the Gaza Strip. It's like half of North End Road
in Fulham. They called it the Gaza Strip,
all Palestinian. And so they were kind of like my
surrogate family became kind of my surrogate family in in
certain ways very welcoming. Even though I was American and
even though my government was bombing the hell out of the
Middle East, it didn't matter. It didn't matter.
But but the Iraq war pulled me off the sidelines.
I became more active and I had a business at the time.
So I was able to fund sponsor to help to help produce events,
create art, music campaigns, rallies.
So I was plugged into the anti war movement in a big way, as
well as the Palestinian movement, peace movement of so I
spending more time doing activism than I was doing my job
at some point. And I realised that I really
can't be doing this double life. And I started this process of
getting out of the rat race. And at that time blogging was
becoming a thing. Remember 2020 O 3-4 and five.
So I started blogging and helping out with documentary
films with people I met on these anti war marches.
And then the, the 2 million or the 1.5 million man March
happened in London and the we, we really everybody out there
thought, wow, this is it. We're we are going to turn this
thing around. We're going to send a message to
Tony Blair and George Bush. This is not going to happen
there. Everyone's out there,
Christians, Muslims, Jews, the rabbis were out as well.
Everybody came out, the trade unionists, everybody came out.
Every single nationality class, they're all out there marching
to stop the war in Iraq. Multiple marches and what
happened, What happened? It didn't, it didn't stop the
war. And there was a real feeling of
defeat. It was a real loss.
And a lot of people were exasperated by that.
But that it was that defeat that motivated me to, to, to step up.
And I realised the power of propaganda.
I realised why did, why did, why wasn't this successful?
Because the the propaganda was so powerful, so powerful that
although we had a certain percentage of the population out
on the street, it didn't really have an effect on the political
class and the majority of the population were indifferent if
not believing the whole WMD hoax.
So a lot of people got motivated from that.
Myself, I realised I needed to be in the counter propaganda
effort. So blogging, journalism, I
started a website, I met Brian and Mike at the edge, Edge
Media, Edge TV, it was raise your hand if you remember Edge
TV, this was on Sky. It was a a very dangerous and
controversial channel that allowed people to get on they
couldn't before. So that's, that's kind of how I
got into I went to art college. I wasn't, I didn't go to
journalism school. I went to art college.
I was an art in design and later I did my masters in
international relations as a mature student in my late 40s a
few years ago at Plymouth University.
So the, the, the thing people are asking me here and
constantly is where, what are we doing now?
And I think this, this event, other festivals, everything kind
of launched out of the COVID lockdown tyranny, if you will.
It activated people that weren't red pilled before that weren't
politically active. And I, my personal opinion is
we, we won the argument on lockdowns, we won the argument
on vaccines. We, we won the battle, OK, it
was a, it was a difficult battle and many people were injured and
suffered during that. But in the end, we won the
argument, politically speaking. But what do you do now when the
crisis is over? And that's the question a lot of
people were asking me last night.
What do you do now? What, how do I, how do I get
active? How do I make a difference?
And I think that's an individual conversation everybody has, you
know, do you want to get involved in a web?
Do you want to launch a website? Do you want to get more involved
in media? Do you want to be a social media
activist? All of the above.
Great. Do you want to be active in your
community? Do you just want to stick your
middle finger up at the system and give give it some of that
punk rock energy and big you know what to the system?
Events like this are an act of protest.
There's many of these festivals. You have the Light newspaper,
you have UK column, What we do. These are all great in your
communities. There's plenty of things that
people can do. Just the just the choices you
make are an act of protest or a dissident act.
That's up to everybody to decide how active they want to be.
Myself, I had certain skills, I had certain capabilities, so I
just thought I would apply my skills and whatever my skills
were at the time that I would apply those to try to somehow
change the conversation, to reclaim the conversation.
And there's no guarantee you're going to be successful. 2
million people out on the streets could not stop the Iraq
War. But it's funny, August 2013,
there was another war beckoning. It was a war against Syria and
nobody came out on the street. And you know why 'cause Stop the
War Coalition was probably some people in that organisation were
in favour of a war on Syria because they wanted to oust
Assad. So they didn't really rally the
troops. They did at the last minute and
I think 20 or 15,000 people showed up at at Downing St.
You remember that August and they put out a fake film on the
BBC called Saving Serious Children right before the vote
in Commons to really capture and and manufacture consent for this
war. But something funny happened
before that. A flood of letters hit M PS
offices all across the country. And and this created a little
bit of a shockwave in Westminster.
They weren't expecting that the people didn't spell in the
street, but the people who were engaged, directly engaged with
the system and let it let it be known to their representatives
that they were not on board with this.
And that vote failed by the slimmest of margins, the the
slimmest of margins tiny. And I was shocked.
We, we all thought, I remember, we all thought it was going to
be a slam dunk and America was going to go in right behind him
just like they did with Iraq. And it didn't happen.
So what what happened there is people, I think a collection of
activists, media people, different very motley crew,
somehow got the word out that they needed to get engaged on
this and it made a difference at that time.
And you might say, well, it didn't make a difference because
look what happened this past December and Jolani rolled into
Damascus, black flags flying over Damascus.
Maybe so. But you know, you can't.
The war, the war, you have to look at it along an extended
timeline. You know, we, the Palestinians
aren't going to win their war in one generation.
They'll probably be fighting that for multiple generations.
So, you know, if we expect that we're always going to get a
result immediately, it might not happen in your lifetime, but I
think it's important that you're engaged.
You're engaged because being engaged says a lot about who you
are and, and what you're doing here.
And what I'm doing here is I want to apply the, the abilities
that God gave me to the best of my ability to try my best to
make the world a better place or about the issues that I care
about. That's, that's my mission.
And everybody I think can, can take a cue that they have their
own mission. Whatever your world view is,
everybody has skills and capabilities and everybody in
some way on some level can apply them.
And many hands make light work. Many hands make light work.
So that's, that's my idealistic answer.
But me, myself, I'm just a simple a single blade of grass.
But as they say in Zen, a single blade of grass can crack a
concrete block. And it does.
And there's so many examples of this.
Every single major effort, movement, campaign always
started with one person, always with one person, every great
idea with one person. So don't, just don't a lot of
people want to feel disempowered, like, oh, what can
I do? Everybody can do something and
the results sometimes take years to manifest, but you have to
start somewhere and you just have to have faith that that
process is universal and it will always, always happen.
How we doing on time? How much time has passed?
17 passed. SO11 of the issues that people
are concerned about, I think is a potential end game scenario is
the digital ID issue and also digital cash.
This this is a potential end game scenario for obvious
reasons. The CBDC central bank digital
currency that that very close to being implemented during the
COVID crisis, very close had to be delayed.
But like so many of these things delayed delaying something is a
major victory. Small wars are won with small
victories, small battles win wars and to delay the agenda, to
delay the establishment agenda is a is a major victory,
especially if it's being done at a grassroots level.
But we're living in a kind of crisis economy where it's it
these these cycles are based on crises.
COVID and lockdown is one of those.
Now the crisis is over, we some people need to refocus.
Some people might not want to be active.
That was the issue that they're passionate about that affected
them directly, the vaccine issue or the people lost their
businesses during COVID. And that's fine, you know, and
some people are still fighting that, still trying to get
justice for people who are vaccine injured.
And that's also important. What we do, what I do is maybe
slightly different. My issues are different, my
interests are different, my expertise is different.
But it's, you know what, what everyone's doing collectively is
no less valid than even, you know, the biggest geopolitical
stories. Not everybody needs to engage in
these issues. Most things are happening on a
local level. But Charles and Mike brought up
a really important point is that the legislation that the
government's putting in is becoming increasingly
authoritarian. And if you look at major
dissident events from the 80s till now, the battle of the bean
fields, Stonehenge, perfect example.
Government comes in heavy handed.
It's later proven that they falsified evidence or witness
testimonies. The government has to row it
back. But the legislation gets ramped
up. The Public Orders Act, the
criminal justice bill or grieves the minor, the miners, riots,
that similar thing, miscarriage of justice, perverting the
course of justice on the part of the government, compensations
paid out to protesters who were wrongly imprisoned and so forth
years later. But the legislation gets ramped
up. The other one was a few years
ago, the Kill the bill, police crime, sentencing and courts
bill very much related to the anti fracking movement.
You remember the anti fracking movement?
It seems like a long time ago, but it was just yesterday.
That was a total grassroots effort.
A few people drove that movement nationally.
One of them we knew very well. Ian R Crane.
Literally one man in the back of a trailer with a few activists
holding holding back the richest man in Britain, the CEO of the
of Ineos. Is it Jim Ratcliffe?
Jim Ratcliffe? So what?
Ian called Gerry activists, people who were retired, who had
all the time in the world to commit.
A literal handful of people stopped the richest man in
Britain from putting drill bits into the ground.
The anti it is one of the most successful grass roots activist
efforts ever. A relative handful of people.
I mean, how is that even possible in this day and age?
But that happened and the government's reaction was to
ramp up the legislation to clamp down on freedom of assembly.
The other one is the Palestine action issue, which is really
important. This is the perversion of the
Terrorism Act of 2000 to, to, to lower the bar for what's
considered terrorist activity. And look, I'm not a fan of Just
Stop Oil. I, I don't really agree with the
campaign. It's nonsensical in certain
ways. But some of those activists just
got a 44 month sentence, I think for £150 worth of damage to a
frame of some sign. I don't know what it was, but I,
I don't necessarily support that organisation completely, but I
will defend them even though I have nothing in common with them
in terms of my ideological viewpoints.
And on that issue of climate change, for instance, or
electric cars, nothing in common, but I will defend them
to the hilt. And that's the attitude we need
to focus on the rights and not the politics per SE and really
not the ideological issue. But look at what you have in
common and the Palestine action issue, whether you agree with,
as my colleague said before, whether you, whatever your
feeling is with Israel and Palestine, it's either here nor
there. This is a rights issue, It's a
basic rights issue. So and the other one is the
immigration on on the back of the immigration crisis.
And I say with the air quotes crisis, are people talking
about, well, a good solution to this will be the digital ID
system, of course. So they have another crisis
being used. This state doesn't care, it
doesn't care about the working class, it doesn't care about the
middle class. It cares about itself and how to
subdue. And, and, and take away rights
incrementally and everything I've just mentioned, every
single major historical event has corresponded with the
withdrawing of certain rights, basic rights that before was
legal is now illegal. It's a pattern, it's undeniable.
So we have a saying in basketball, play the man, not
the ball in defence. Watch your man.
I was always taught watch, watch the watch the waste of your, the
man you're guarding and don't watch the ball and don't pay
attention to ball fakes. Keep your eye on the man.
The man is your rights. The ball is the media is the
divisive emotive issues like immigration.
They want to get us the government love when we're
fighting each other or people are fighting people.
As long as we're not fighting them, as long as we're not
paying attention to Westminster, they, they absolutely love it.
They will. The media will ramp up this
issue and of course they'll be there with the solution and and
many people will welcome that solution, unfortunately.
So that's those are a few things I just want to leave with you.
And Charles brought up something interesting about the Holocaust
education. I just have to add that as a
caveat. So in America, just to tell you
where that's headed. So I went to primary school and
junior high school in America in the late 70s, early 80s.
And my 13 years old year eight in America, half the year was
spent on the Holocaust and reading and talking about Anne
Frank's diary. And I went to a state school and
before that in when I was 9 and 10, we had to learn kibbutz
songs in choir, Israeli settler songs in in This is in Boston,
MA, very liberal. So that's how most Americans, if
you go to most Americans go to state schools, So many Americans
will get that mandatory Holocaust education.
This is for the last 50 years. So if you look at American
politics and people talk about the lobby and why is America so
loyal to Israel? The answer is simple because you
learn from a very young age that Israel is our greatest friend
and ally and we must support them no matter what.
So I'll say something controversial.
Now if they want to make Holocaust education mandatory in
British schools, I I'm all for that.
However, only if they also make side by side with that, they'll
make also mandatory education about Israel's genocide in Gaza.
And then the children will get a real education.
They will see the irony of history and they will really
learn the the historic lesson that that lesson that that
society and those children really need to learn.
Now, I'm all for that. I think that would be great, but
not one needs to be both. That's fine.
Or neither. It's either both or it's
nothing. But I think that would
definitely change the next generation.
I think they're changed already. But that's that's where I would
stand on that. So that's all I had to say today
on that. But I'm open to talking to
people outside the tent as I normally do.
I'm happy to talk. We have a few minutes for AQ and
A Yeah, so we've got a few questions from the audience.
Be happy to. Any questions come on, someone
must have a question. Patrick, just going back to you,
I think that that point on your schooling, it's completely
fascinating. And actually it does remind me
to point out that that on the UK column website, Brian has
recently recorded an interview with a British Jewish lady
called Lynn Salzado. And she goes back into her
childhood, which was considerably before that.
But also the the idea of, well, I suppose indoctrination would
be the best word. But do you obviously think about
that in retrospect is fascinating.
Do you remember at the time there being any reaction to the
way it was taught? No, no, we were just kids.
So whatever our teacher tells us is the way the world is.
And that's that. And it was just, it was just
another country. And I think possibly our choir
teacher was Jewish. I mean, it's possible.
I think maybe she was. But yeah, we didn't think
anything of it. It's just part of the background
of life growing up in America. Good, well done.
I'm high you said the next generation had changed in.
In what way? And can you give examples?
Well, I think, I think it's kind of obvious when you look at
polling and you look at social media activity.
I think it was the former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali
Bennett was pulling his hair out because they spent 125 million
to put the Israeli narrative on social media after October 7th.
And there were more pro Palestinian posts on TikTok and
Instagram by a ratio of 16 to 1. And they didn't spend any money.
The the kids didn't spend any money.
They didn't need orders from head office.
But the US and Israel probably collectively have spent, I would
say, more than half a billion dollars on, on, on, on seeding
narratives and propaganda. So are you just talk about in
relation to Israel or other matters such as CBDC, vaccines,
changes in the law, rights, censorship, etcetera?
Well, I think most of what kids will will believe and, and most
people go with what their parents have taught them or
showed them or they'll go by the example of their parents.
And if you look at the vaccine numbers for the 2nd and 3rd and
4th jabs, it just tails off and flat lines to ridiculously low
level. So that means most parents, even
what we call normies, have abandoned the COVID vaccine and
don't believe in it or a very at the very least question it.
And so their children will. If those are the, if that's the
data for adults, I would say at least the reflection in the kids
will be the same. As I said before, we absolutely
won the argument on that. There's no, there's no doubt
about that. The, the polling shows that the
the uptake shows that. So I think, yeah, CBD CS more
complicated. That's a good, that's a good
conversation. Kids are so enamoured with the
convenience of touch payments and the and all that.
So that's, that's a difficult one because we're from the pre
we, we, I mean, I remember what it was like with, you know,
before mobile phones and, and most, most of us, many of us in
here do. And we know what it was like
before the Internet, you know, before those sort of things.
So kids now, younger kids, they don't know what it's like and
when it was cash only, they don't know what it's like when
there were no mobile phones before text messaging.
That's a, that's a, that's a tricky conversation.
I don't know. It could, it could swing in an
interesting way that we can't predict in terms of the
attitude, but that's certainly something to be very concerned
about, especially looking at Scandinavia as 90% of all
transactions are done electronically.
Now 90% in, in Sweden specifically.
And I think this, this country is probably not far behind on,
on the curve. So it, that's a good discussion
to have. It's a big discussion, actually,
and not an easy one I'm I'm afraid.
So I think the the days that we should look at because you're
here mainly because you're here is that they don't want to
introduce the Holocaust day, but the most relevant day probably
to most people would be contrasting 4th of July
celebration and why that happened and what the British
did then. So knowing what can I lose them
looks like and then seeing how every empire does the same
thing. So whether it's a Romans or it's
you guys now or whoever, whoever has hegemony of whatever's going
to happen next. So people can look at it with
one lens and go and you can spot the propaganda because the
subdued people have no rights and get well, the stuff that's
taken and get killed. And the hegemony is always
right. But you can spot it.
And if you teach that in school, then you go, OK, well do.
Are we for this or are we not for this?
What's your what's your question?
So, well, the question was, instead of the Holocaust day,
shouldn't we look into having the 4th of July day?
Because culturally, you're more similar than Israel is to us.
That's interesting. You're, you're assuming that
that the Americans defeated the British in 1776.
Did they? I, I, I, I think, I think all
what happened was the relationship changed.
And think of it like the Anglo American Empire because that's
what it is. It's an Anglo American LED
global hegemon, City of London, Wall Street, Washington DC, 3
city states, Britain's the brains, America's the muscle.
America could not do what it does in the world without
Britain and and it in many ways benefits from the British
colonial network which is still very much in place.
And Britain is more of a Pax Britannia than USS Pax American.
And Britain has more in common with the Roman Empire because of
language, legal frameworks, maritime law, shipping and
commerce. All that was all British systems
and it was competing with France, Napoleon and his vision
of what the legal, you know, Napoleonic law.
And that was something they wanted to evangelise around the
world and were unsuccessful. Britain was successful.
So America is riding on the back of that as an, as an English
language, you know, English speaking country.
And so you can't separate. I don't think you can really
separate the two. There might be some superficial
political arguments about Trump and, you know, intelligence
services trying to steal dossier and so forth.
But at the end of the day, Britain's always there to whip
America into position on foreign policy.
They, they were in Ukraine, they were in Iraq, Skripal, all of
these things, the, the, they're all, they all serve the same
ends, which is and when, when the Republicans were wavering on
Ukraine, they sent Boris Johnson over to crack the whip.
And of course the Americans, when the British come over and
do speaking tours or show up at think tanks and Americans are
like, oh, the British are here. Oh, great.
You know, they love it. Oh, ex Prime Minister, He must
be like the, the cream of the crop.
Really. Boris is there the shirttail
out. You know, it's sad, but it's
true. Tony Blair arrives in in
Washington, he they roll out the red carpet.
He doesn't get the red carpet here, but he will he will get it
in America. So but that's kind of how how
things are rolling. And you know, so Britain's much
more vociferously anti Russian than America is naturally, but
the establishment needs Britain to play that role to kick
America into touch. And I think that's what
Russiagate was about because the although it demonised Trump and
made him into a Russian asset, at the end of the day, it made
Trump become more of a anti Russian President in terms of
sanctions, giving lethal aid to the Ukraine before Biden, Trump
set up, Trump set the stage for the Ukrainian war.
And he says, it's not my war. This isn't my war.
This is Biden's war, Nothing to do with it.
Biden's war. I'm just here to break up the
fight. You know, it's total BS Trump
did everything to ramp that war up.
Biden took it and and made it go go live.
And now Trump is doing nothing to stop it.
Quite frankly, there's no change on the ground between Biden and
Trump. So you have the political
theatre on the surface, but below the policy is consistent.
So just again, play the man, not the ball.
Yeah, I've been on this journey for quite a while.
Like most of us. They occurred to me the other
day, we're in a fight, obviously, but what we fighting
for? What is the end game of where
we're trying to head? Because most of the younger
generation want everything like it is.
They want progressive, they want multicultural societies.
They want, you know, no, not, not all of us, but we're talking
about a large majority of of the people don't want what we're
trying to hold on to. I think, I think, I think if, if
the agenda is going in a direction that you don't want it
to go in sometimes, I mean, you to get in front of a juggernaut
and stop a juggernaut like this is near impossible unless you're
willing to die for these rights. And if it's a question of dying
for your rights or making adjustments in your life, 99,
nine, 9999 people out of 10,000 are going to make adjustments.
That's just a fact. But but you can build parallel
systems, You can do parallel events, you can have parallel
communities and you can do that simultaneously.
And this you break your breakaway civilization and there
are many breakaway civilizations.
I'm going to one in a couple of weeks in Serbia, Lieberland,
it's sort of self declared semi autonomous oblast in Serbia that
is populated by anarchists. So and they're having in a
conference in a couple weeks. So it's just small example, but
more basically, you can do things in your community, you
can do commerce, you can do things you can the cash issue is
obviously massive for that, but parallel systems, parallel
businesses, parallel organisations.
We're UK column is a parallel civilization next to the
mainstream media. It's it's running parallel, but
it's not on the same track at all.
And it has a different audience. It has a different way of doing
things, has a different world view.
It's completely different, 2 totally separate worlds.
So how did that start? With a pamphlet, with A1 page
pamphlet, you know so right. What are your thoughts on a man
of peace bombing Iran? The man of peace?
Are you talking about 47 Donald Trump?
Yeah. I mean, Americans like Mr Trump,
don't they? He wants the No, he's desperate
for the Nobel Peace Prize. And we all know that he's made
no secret about it. He's made no, he he really wants
that bad and he's going to bomb his way to that prize.
I mean, it's it is it's I think the theatre of it, the
vaudeville aspect of it is so crazy.
It's like I'll talk about on the news programme, but the the
Nordstream, the Nordstream sabotage and talk about a
vaudeville show that that is incredible.
I mean, this the note, it's because he's, he's not a man of
peace. I mean, he's not a man of peace.
I think at this point, if you still think Donald Trump is a
man of peace, then I know I'm, I'm speaking rhetorically too.
I can't help you at that point. There's nothing I can say.
I've I have if you fall on my work for the last seven months,
I have said pretty much everything that can be said on
that topic. So I mean, it's we all Donald,
let's listen. Donald Trump ran and this, this
is the lesson I'll give. I'll give you an actual valuable
lesson, OK, especially about US politics.
Every single president since George W Bush in 2000 has run on
a peace anti war platform. George W Bush was no nation
building. That gave him the edge.
There's some key demographics in the US electoral map.
They're called bellwether counties, OK.
And some of them are people who are European Protestant,
Norwegian Americans, for instance, northern Wisconsin,
Minnesota and so forth. Whoever takes those bellwether
counties generally wins the election.
And some of those key demographics are pacifist.
And so you have to Republicans play to those demographics.
They have a good chance of winning the election.
George W Bush did on a no nation building platform.
One Barack Obama comes in 2008 on day one.
I'm going to bring the troops home, he said.
And of course, bring them home from Iraq.
We don't want our boys over there.
So a lot of people like, yeah, this is, oh, this is awesome.
This guy's great. And they all voted for me.
Won by a landslide. And did he do that?
No. He started 7 new wars in two
terms. But.
And then Trump comes in 2016, Hillary Clinton, the warmonger,
Donald Trump saying we don't want any wars.
We don't bring them home. Bring them home.
We're going to bring them home. Quite frankly, I don't know.
We're doing the Hillary crooked Hillary wants to send the boys.
I don't want to so and what happened, Donald?
They say Donald Trump didn't start any new wars.
That's a lie. Donald Trump deployed troops to
Syria and they stayed and they helped to topple the government
just this past December. US have occupied since 2017.
Donald Trump ramped up the war against Yemen. the United States
was running a proxy war with Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
Trump did that. Trump gave lethal aid to the
Ukrainians when Obama wouldn't even Obama wouldn't go that far.
Trump yanked Iran nuclear deal and set the table for World War
3. Donald Trump did that so but the
the marketing was no new wars. Trump's a peace president.
Whatever he ran, the point is he ran on it and won.
That gave him the edge. Biden 2020 election.
It's a bit of an anomaly. It was a COVID year.
They had George Floyd riots in the summer.
It was a mess. I don't even know if Biden
actually won. There's so much questions on
election fraud in in multiple states, but let's just put that
off to the side. Trump runs again in 2024 saying
I'm going to end this war in, in 24 hours, 1 phone call, one
phone call. Sleepy Joe couldn't do it.
I'm going to do it. You know, quite frankly, nobody
else could do it but me. So that's, that's and guess
what? He won.
He, he, we said it can't get worse than Biden.
I mean, this is Joe was just like, you know, smelling salts.
And so we, we, a lot of Americans took a punt on Trump
again, because they're like, well, if, if he does what he
says he's going to do, then we're at least going to avoid
World War three. That was the level of the
thought. OK, it turns out it's worse.
He he's taken Biden's baton and done it even worse.
So, So what is the the message is the people don't want war,
but the political class will get it.
Even if you vote them in on an anti war ticket.
They, the, the, the swamp, the machine will mould that
candidate and put him into position to the point where he's
on a fait accompli. The road to war, that's the
lesson is there's a big difference between what we think
and I'm even beyond this tent. Mainstream people don't want war
generally, but if they, if they get strong armed into it, then
they tend to go along with it. You get groupthink in the
madness of crowds, like COVID is another example.
There's a type of a war, but that, that's the, that's the
point. That's the point.
And and this, this, this bait and switch happens so often.
I just gave you what, 4 presidents in the last 25 years?
Same exact thing. And the polling shows it as
well. That's the main lesson.
I hope that answers your
question somewhat.