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ISIS will be looking at the 
situation and trying to identify

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any possibilities for having 
some sort of a resurrection. 

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The. 
Kurds were doing, as it were, 

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The Dirty work for the worst, 
particularly the Americans. 

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The Kurds, they will see this as
a huge blow. 

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Many of them do not want to be 
integrated completely into a 

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centralized Syrian state. 
I think there's a great danger 

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of continued guerrilla warfare. 
There isn't much of A call for 

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to improve conditions in these 
camps for people who are 

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regarded as terrorists, and 
without that, they have become a

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breeding grounds for 
radicalization. 

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This has been a mistake repeated
again and again, you know, in 

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our modern history. 
Hello and welcome to the 

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forecast. 
It was hoped the fall of Syria's

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dictator Bashar al-Assad would 
usher in a period of stability, 

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unity and perhaps eventually 
democracy. 

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But now the country enters a new
and unpredictable phase as 

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President Ahmed Al Sharah 
tightens his grip on power in 

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the North East. 
The Kurds were the West key ally

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against Islamic State. 
Now their control in the region 

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is collapsing after days of 
fierce battles with government 

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forces. 
A tentative ceasefire is in 

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place but the fallout is far 
from clear, including the fate 

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of thousands of ISIS prisoners 
and their families who were in 

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Kurdish controlled camps. 
Regional players like Turkey and

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Iran, as well as China, Russia 
and the West, are also jostling 

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for influence. 
Could these developments finally

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bring a period of calm and 
stability in Syria or just open 

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the door to new dangers? 
I'm joined by our international 

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editor, Lindsay Hilsum, and by 
Lina Khatib, the principal 

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analyst at geopolitical 
foresight company Extrac. 

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Lina Khatib, First, that hope of
a unified Syria. 

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How hopeless is that looking 
right now? 

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It's actually looking more 
likely than before. 

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For the longest time there was 
speculation that Syria could go 

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down the line of federalism, 
with, for example, a Kurdish 

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autonomous area in the North 
East becoming a permanent 

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feature of Syria. 
But since Ahmed Shara came to 

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power, there has been persistent
messaging by the Syrian 

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government that decentralisation
is not going to be acceptable, 

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that they want to centralise 
governance in Syria. 

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And now they are closer to that 
than ever. 

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And what has happened in the 
North East sends a message all 

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over Syria that the model for 
governance going forward is a 

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centralised 1. 
So, Lindsay, sum up for us, if 

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you would, the sort of military 
and political landscape right 

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now. 
Well, I think that Aslina says 

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the central government under 
Ahmad al Sharra is trying to 

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pull in everybody, the Alawites,
the Druze and now the Kurds. 

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But from a Kurdish point of 
view, they held this area of 

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northeastern Syria called Rajava
as a semi autonomous state in 

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the time of Bashar al-Assad. 
And that was something that they

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wanted. 
And you look to Iraq and you 

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have Iraqi Kurdistan, which is 
semi autonomous and what has 

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been happening over the last few
days, which is fierce fighting 

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between the Kurdish forces and 
the central Damascus forces and 

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which has resulted in most of 
that area, Rajava, being taken 

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over by the the central Syrian 
forces. 

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For many of the Kurds, they will
see this is a huge blow. 

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Many of them do not want to be 
integrated completely into a 

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centralised Syrian state. 
They want to retain some 

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autonomy. 
And I think that they will see 

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this, as, you know, less and 
less possible. 

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And I'm not sure that they would
all accept it. 

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I think there's a great danger 
of continued guerrilla warfare. 

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Exactly on that point lean, I 
mean, the idea of moving towards

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unity doesn't actually happen if
the Kurds don't accept this, 

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does it? 
It certainly will be difficult 

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because not everyone, as we 
heard, is on board. 

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And also the issue is not just 
about the Kurds. 

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There's other communities in 
Syria that we're hoping for 

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autonomy as well. 
And here we're mainly talking 

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about the Druze in the South, as
well as perhaps some communities

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are in coastal areas which come 
from the Alawite community. 

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So the Syrian governments way of
handling the situation in the 

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northeast is meant to also be 
about those other communities 

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further down the line. 
And those communities in the 

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South, for example, food, also 
form groups that do not toe the 

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line of the government. 
And so there is the potential of

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seeing not just guerrilla groups
in the northeast, but guerrilla 

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groups and other areas in Syria 
as well. 

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And the challenge for the Syrian
government here becomes twofold.

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On the one hand, it's a security
challenge. 

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When the security sector 
capacity of the new Syrian 

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government is quite reduced, 
it's still not very strong. 

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And 2nd, it's a political issue 
because solving all these issues

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ultimately has to be through 
political inclusion. 

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And that is something that is 
not quite there in Syria at the 

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moment. 
There had been talk, you know, 

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with the the new government that
there would be elections. 

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How likely is that now? 
Eventually there have to be 

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elections because this 
government is currently 

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presenting itself as legitimate 
on the basis that it's a 

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liberation government. 
But the Syrian people want to 

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see actual political 
representation going on with 

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genuine political participation 
by the people and we will see 

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whether President Sharia will 
deliver on his promises that in 

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few years time Syria will have 
elections. 

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Otherwise, I think masses of 
Syrians will be very 

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disappointed. 
Is that, you know, the latest 

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development sort of lightning 
move move movements over the 

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last couple of weeks that make 
elections less likely? 

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When it comes to the impact of 
what we've just seen in 

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northeast Syria on the political
trajectory of Syria when it 

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comes to elections, I think the 
move towards centralisation 

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actually makes it more likely 
that elections will happen 

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further down the line. 
Because now you can say Syrians 

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more or less all over the 
country will be able to 

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participate in those elections. 
Whereas until not too long ago, 

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the government could argue that 
there is one area of Syria that 

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is outside of its remit and 
therefore elections cannot 

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happen. 
And so hopefully things should 

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actually become a bit more 
positive in that regard. 

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But then a lot of that then on 
the conduct that it depends on 

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whether the different Syrian 
groups, where it's the Kurds, 

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the group we're looking at, or 
the Druze or the allies and so 

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on, except the authority of the 
central state and everything 

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comes down to that. 
And if it came to elections, 

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whether they felt free to elect 
their own representatives who 

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would inevitably represent their
own communities and whether they

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felt that those representatives 
would actually have an influence

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over the central authorities. 
And I think that all of that is 

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still unclear at the moment. 
And whether that would allow 

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them still to push for this sort
of autonomous region? 

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I don't think they're going to 
get their autonomous region, but

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there is still negotiations 
going on about what kind of, you

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know what, how that could work 
out because it's perfectly 

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possible to have a semi 
autonomous region or a federal 

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system or whatever. 
Now that is not what the Syrian 

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government is looking at at the 
moment, but those things are 

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still to be discussed and that 
is also something which would 

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come up in elections. 
And Lindsay, the Kurds are 

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particularly interesting in a 
way, aren't they? 

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Because they were pivotal allies
against ISIS. 

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Yet it seems now they're being 
effectively abandoned by the 

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West. 
The Kurds are relearning A 

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brutal lesson. 
Loyalty means nothing. 

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They have no permanent friends. 
Well, and this goes back to the 

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the history of of the Kurds. 
So as you know, Kurdish people 

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up to 45,000,000 spread across 
four countries, not just Syria, 

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but also Iran, Iraq and Turkey. 
And they don't have their own 

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states. 
They don't have a Kurdish 

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country as such. 
And over the years they have 

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teamed up with the Americans 
particularly many times. 

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They teamed up with the 
Americans to try and overthrow 

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Saddam Hussein several times in 
in Iraq. 

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What happened nearly every time 
the Americans abandoned them, 

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the CIA abandoned them to their 
fate. 

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And many Kurds will be seeing 
exactly the same Now. 

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The Kurds were doing, as it 
were, The Dirty work for the 

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West, particularly the 
Americans. 

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I was there in Rajava, which is 
this Kurdish area of Syria, 

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several times between 2016 and 
2019. 

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They were there, the Kurdish 
forces fighting on the 

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frontline, killing and dying in 
order to defeat Islamic State, 

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partly because they wanted to do
that themselves. 

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They have a very different 
ideology from Islamic State. 

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They have women with female 
brigades in their armies. 

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They live a, you know, many of 
them are quite secular, not all 

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of them. 
They're still Muslims. 

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And they have a very leftist way
of looking at at the world. 

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But they were doing it also on 
behalf of America and on behalf 

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of the West. 
And most significantly, they 

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have been guarding the ISIS 
prisoners, prisoners, male 

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prisoners who are in in ordinary
prisons, as it were, and female 

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prisoners in camps. 
And here I'll just mention 

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Shamima Begum because that may 
be her name that's familiar to 

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many British people. 
She was a a young woman, aged 

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15, a child really, who fled her
home and went to join ISIS. 

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And she ended up becoming very 
embroiled in that and she's 

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overheld, we think in a camp 
called Al Raj at the moment. 

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Now the Kurds, they were looking
after those people or keeping 

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those people prisoner while 
Western countries refused to 

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have their own nationals back. 
And now, well, suddenly they're 

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not useful anymore. 
The Americans have decided that 

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Al Sharar and that government 
they can more or less look 

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overlook after the the prisoners
say Kurds sorry about that. 

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Can I just add that one key 
reason why the Kurds were 

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fighting ISIS is not just 
because of course ISIS posed a 

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real threat to them, but also 
because they thought that if 

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00:11:00,760 --> 00:11:05,400
they play this role, then they 
can eventually get autonomy. 

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Then the West would back them in
this political goal of theirs. 

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00:11:09,880 --> 00:11:14,640
And unfortunately, the situation
has been one in which they were 

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simply being instrumentalized by
the international community in 

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00:11:18,880 --> 00:11:22,960
the fight against ISIS. 
And now the US envoy, Tom 

186
00:11:22,960 --> 00:11:27,600
Barack, has basically said that 
their role has ended. 

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That's it. 
Their role in fighting ISIS has 

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ended, and therefore their role 
as custodians of security in the

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Northeast is over. 
You go back to Henry Kissinger, 

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00:11:40,840 --> 00:11:42,880
don't you? 
Who was the one who said that 

191
00:11:42,880 --> 00:11:46,760
America has no permanent friends
and no permanent enemies, only 

192
00:11:46,760 --> 00:11:51,080
permanent interests? 
And so the Kurds acted in the 

193
00:11:51,080 --> 00:11:54,160
American interest. 
And now the Americans say, look 

194
00:11:54,160 --> 00:11:56,280
at it like that. 
And so you come back to another.

195
00:11:56,280 --> 00:11:58,880
This is one, I'm afraid it's 
another cliche what the the 

196
00:11:58,880 --> 00:12:02,080
Kurds always say because they 
feel that they're always 

197
00:12:02,080 --> 00:12:04,520
betrayed. 
No friends but the mountains. 

198
00:12:04,680 --> 00:12:08,200
So Lena, what are what are the 
political, the geopolitical 

199
00:12:08,200 --> 00:12:12,440
consequences of the West in a 
sense letting down the Kurds 

200
00:12:12,480 --> 00:12:15,800
here? 
Well, one of the bigger issues 

201
00:12:15,800 --> 00:12:20,120
for the West, of course, is that
of ISIS and what to do about 

202
00:12:20,120 --> 00:12:23,720
ISIS detainees. 
And what the US indicates doing 

203
00:12:23,960 --> 00:12:29,560
is moving reportedly 7000 of 
those ISIS detainees from the 

204
00:12:29,560 --> 00:12:35,240
prisons that the Kurds were 
overseeing to Iraq. 

205
00:12:35,240 --> 00:12:37,760
So these prisoners are being 
moved to Iraq. 

206
00:12:37,920 --> 00:12:41,320
Why is this happening? 
It's because now that area, the 

207
00:12:41,320 --> 00:12:45,000
northeast, is under the control 
of the Syrian government. 

208
00:12:45,240 --> 00:12:48,680
And as I was saying earlier, 
unfortunately the Syrian 

209
00:12:48,680 --> 00:12:53,400
government's security sector 
capacity is still quite weak. 

210
00:12:53,600 --> 00:12:58,240
So they will not be able to 
really hold that area 

211
00:12:58,240 --> 00:13:02,680
effectively, especially as ISIS 
will be looking at the situation

212
00:13:02,680 --> 00:13:07,200
and trying to identify any 
possibilities for releasing some

213
00:13:07,200 --> 00:13:10,440
of their prisoners and having 
some sort of a resurrection. 

214
00:13:10,440 --> 00:13:15,400
So the US is trying to play safe
by moving these detainees to 

215
00:13:15,440 --> 00:13:18,520
Iraq. 
Now here, of course, we have 

216
00:13:18,520 --> 00:13:22,600
another situation, which is the 
presence now for the first time 

217
00:13:22,600 --> 00:13:27,640
of the Syrian government's 
forces at the Iraqi boulder. 

218
00:13:28,120 --> 00:13:32,560
Until very recently, it was the 
Kurds who were present in a 

219
00:13:32,560 --> 00:13:36,160
security capacity. 
So now the Iraqi authorities 

220
00:13:36,160 --> 00:13:40,440
will have to coordinate with 
this new government in Syria, 

221
00:13:40,440 --> 00:13:44,280
which is going to be also a bit 
of a delicate political 

222
00:13:44,280 --> 00:13:49,240
situation considering the varied
political leanings that are 

223
00:13:49,240 --> 00:13:52,240
present in Iraq compared to 
Syria. 

224
00:13:52,240 --> 00:13:56,840
And here I'm talking mainly 
about the still very influential

225
00:13:56,840 --> 00:14:02,680
role for Iran in the Iraq, 
influencing many of the militias

226
00:14:02,680 --> 00:14:07,920
that are present in that area. 
And so they will also, these 

227
00:14:07,920 --> 00:14:12,360
Iraqi militias be seeing in this
new movement in Syria a bit of a

228
00:14:12,440 --> 00:14:15,560
threat to their own authority as
well. 

229
00:14:15,760 --> 00:14:19,480
So, Lindsay on on how the Syrian
government react to all of this,

230
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I mean, how does Ahmed al 
Shara's government differ regime

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differ from Bashar al Assad's? 
Well, look, it's hugely 

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different. 
I mean, obviously, he comes from

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an Islamist background. 
And I think that that is one of 

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the reasons that many people 
look on his forces taking over 

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these camps and prisons and 
think, are they really seeing 

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themselves as the enemies of the
men and women inside? 

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Or would they actually like to 
release some of them because 

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they could they could be 
partners in the future. 

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And that is that is an open 
question. 

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But clearly he represents, you 
know, ethnically, religiously, a

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majority in Syria, which is 
Sunni Muslims, unlike Bashar 

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al-Assad who was an Alawite, 
which was a minority. 

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So arguably that gives him an 
advantage. 

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The other advantage that he has,
I think, is that there is a lot 

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of goodwill towards Ahmed Al 
Sharah, and that primarily comes

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from the Gulf countries. 
And one of the reasons, I think 

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that all the main reason that 
we've seen this big change in 

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American policy and this big 
support for him, even though he 

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does come from this Islamist 
background, is because the Gulf 

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country has said to, to 
President Trump, look, you've 

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got to support this man. 
This man has a chance of uniting

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Syria, of pulling Syria together
as one country, not as a broken,

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fragmented state. 
You've got to lift sanctions, 

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which Donald Trump did, and 
you've got to give him all the 

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the backing you can. 
So that is the policy that the 

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Americans are following very 
much after the the lead of the 

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Gulf countries, especially Saudi
Arabia. 

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And if I can add one key thing 
about Sharaf's political 

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positioning, which relates to my
point earlier on Iran, is that 

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he is vehemently anti Iran. 
Obviously the Syria situation 

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under Bashar al-Assad was was 
really optimal for Iranian 

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influence in the Middle East. 
And with the fall of Assad, that

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situation changed radically for 
Iran. 

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It lost a huge advantage when it
comes to its strategic influence

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in the region with the fall of 
Assad. 

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So now you have Sharia, who's 
anti Iran. 

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But another thing about him is 
obviously as the previous leader

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of, he also fought with his 
factions against ISIS because 

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they were political rivals. 
So for a while you had rivalry 

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between, hey, Atahrid Sham under
a shadow and he was known at the

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time as Abu Muhammad al Julani 
and ISIS. 

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They were arguing over power and
fighting bitterly and hey 

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Atahrid Sham prevailed. 
And so in this sense, Haiah 

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Pahri, the Sham, still sees ISIS
as a threat and as a rival and 

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as an enemy and vice versa. 
And so this situation with the 

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prisoners, I don't think 
personally is going to lead to 

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more cooperation between the 
Syrian government and some of 

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the prisoners. 
I think it's the opposite. 

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I think they are concerned about
their own security when the 

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situation might present openings
for ISIS. 

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And Lindsay, of course, 
President Erdogan in Turkey, it 

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must be pretty delighted at how 
things are panning out for the 

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Kurds. 
Oh, he's crowing because 

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President Erdogan in Turkey is 
the Kurdish separatist movement 

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was see it was his biggest 
enemy. 

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Now he did a sort of deal with 
them, which is kind of stalling 

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at the moment. 
It's not completely clear what 

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exactly is happening on them. 
But to see their autonomous area

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reduced and potentially crushed 
in Syria, that's a big advantage

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to to President Erdogan. 
And that may be another reason 

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that the Americans have 
withdrawn their support for the 

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Kurds in order to, you know, to,
to reinforce that connection 

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with, with Erdogan and Turkey, 
which is a which is a NATO 

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member. 
But can we just, I just want to 

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bring it for a moment back to 
the human side of this, because 

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I visited those camps. 
And one of the things I think is

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really important is you have all
these women in those camps and 

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all these children. 
And these children have been 

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brought up without an education 
and they have been radicalized 

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because many of the women in the
camps a fanatical ISIS 

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supporters. 
It was extraordinary being 

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there. 
They were so angry and the fury 

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at me because I just wore a 
headscarf and didn't cover my 

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face. 
I mean, these kind of feelings 

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and beliefs are very prevalent 
in the camps. 

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And I wonder what is going to 
happen to those children now, 

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because now for many years, you 
know, sort of 5-6, what is it 

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7-8 years they've been brought 
up without an education. 

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And with this radicalization, 
how are they ever going to be 

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integrated into a new into a new
Syria? 

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And what about, you know, the 
suffering of all those people? 

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And I think that one of the 
things is also worrying when you

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look at the the Kurds, they 
have, there has been a certain 

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under the autonomous region, 
there has been a certain amount 

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of freedom for women. 
And many of them will fear that 

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despite Ahmed al Shahra's 
declaration that women are 

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equal. 
And so they will fear being 

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reintegrated into Syria because 
they will fear losing some of 

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those freedoms. 
I don't know, Lena, whether you 

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00:19:53,560 --> 00:19:57,440
think that those those fears are
justified or not. 

321
00:19:58,200 --> 00:20:02,760
Well, I was in Syria in December
and one thing I noticed and that

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was my first visit since before 
the conflict, so 15 years, and I

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00:20:08,840 --> 00:20:14,240
did not see explicit signs in 
Damascus regarding increased 

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00:20:14,240 --> 00:20:18,640
Islamization, however. 
Behind closed doors there were 

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quite a few concerns expressed 
by people that there were 

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informal things happening that 
they saw as leading society down

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that particular route. 
So I think these concerns that 

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you are talking about are not 
baseless. 

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And, and the point is, I 
suppose, that there isn't much 

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00:20:37,080 --> 00:20:40,080
of A call for to improve 
conditions in these camps for 

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people who are regarded as 
terrorists, their families. 

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And without that, as Lindsay 
says, Lena, you know, they have 

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become people say, breeding 
grounds for radicalization. 

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And unfortunately, this has been
a mistake repeated again and and

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00:20:55,400 --> 00:21:00,040
again, you know, in our modern 
history that we in the 

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00:21:00,160 --> 00:21:04,200
international community become 
so concerned with immediate 

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security measures and we don't 
think long term about causes of 

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instability. 
And right now I'm seeing, for 

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example, the movement of 
detainees, let's say, from Syria

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00:21:17,720 --> 00:21:21,920
to Iraq, but I'm not seeing 
plans for what to do about the 

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children and the women that 
Lindsay has been talking about. 

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Where is the solution to try to 
de radicalize these individuals?

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This means that, yes, for now, 
we may be able to deal with the 

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problem by keeping them locked 
up. 

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But this is not going to be a 
long term solution. 

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And unfortunately, we keep 
seeing the same mistakes 

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repeated. 
And this was one of the reasons 

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why ISIS rose, you know, around 
a decade or so ago. 

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It's because people at the time 
also did not pay enough 

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00:21:56,320 --> 00:21:58,000
attention to the root causes 
and. 

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They're not small in number, the
people being held, the women, 

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00:22:00,920 --> 00:22:02,800
the children. 
Now, I don't know the exact 

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00:22:02,800 --> 00:22:05,640
number, I don't know if you do 
need it, but just our whole camp

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00:22:05,640 --> 00:22:08,400
had 24,000 in it the last time I
looked. 

355
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So we are talking about a lot 
of, we're talking about a lot of

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00:22:12,600 --> 00:22:14,880
people. 
And that's one of the is, it's 

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the worst because, you know, the
Kurds dealt with them as best 

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they could with some money, but 
not a lot. 

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00:22:22,240 --> 00:22:25,360
And, you know, Western countries
refused to take back a lot of 

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00:22:25,360 --> 00:22:29,400
their own nationals and didn't 
want to put money into the 

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00:22:29,400 --> 00:22:32,560
education and upkeep of these of
these people. 

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00:22:33,160 --> 00:22:37,640
But whether they are being held 
by the Kurds or now by the 

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00:22:37,640 --> 00:22:41,000
Syrian authorities and possibly 
again by the Iraqi authorities, 

364
00:22:41,240 --> 00:22:44,360
this is just passing the buck 
from one person to 1. 

365
00:22:44,360 --> 00:22:48,840
You know, organization or one 
place to another is not actually

366
00:22:48,840 --> 00:22:53,880
looking at the root cause. 
And it's continuing to create 

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00:22:53,880 --> 00:22:56,360
further anger amongst those 
people. 

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And one day, one day that's 
going to break out in some way 

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or another. 
And you know, as we look ahead, 

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00:23:02,960 --> 00:23:06,160
I hesitate to say this, but all 
roads often lead to President 

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00:23:06,160 --> 00:23:10,320
Trump or certainly he he 
believes that the Americans role

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00:23:10,320 --> 00:23:13,400
in this. 
What key difference, if any, 

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might it make? 
Well, the US has shown that what

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the US wants is basically what 
happens in the Middle East. 

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00:23:22,840 --> 00:23:29,000
And we have seen a huge change 
in the region, partly as a 

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00:23:29,000 --> 00:23:33,240
result of changes under the 
Trump administration. 

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00:23:33,600 --> 00:23:38,160
And here we have explicit 
support as well as implicit 

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00:23:38,160 --> 00:23:41,520
support for the administration 
of Ahmed El Shadda. 

379
00:23:41,920 --> 00:23:48,560
We are seeing increased 
partnership between the US and 

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00:23:48,560 --> 00:23:53,040
Saudi Arabia. 
We are seeing close coordination

381
00:23:53,040 --> 00:23:58,320
between the US and Israel, which
I expect will eventually lead to

382
00:23:58,560 --> 00:24:00,760
significant change in Iran as 
well. 

383
00:24:01,120 --> 00:24:05,760
So the geopolitical landscape in
the Middle East is changing, 

384
00:24:06,320 --> 00:24:10,240
partly because of the way the US
is dealing with the region. 

385
00:24:10,240 --> 00:24:16,160
So I expect that ultimately no 
regime is going to be acceptable

386
00:24:16,160 --> 00:24:19,960
to the United States in the 
Middle East unless it's a regime

387
00:24:20,040 --> 00:24:24,360
that is find one way or another 
with US interests. 

388
00:24:24,560 --> 00:24:28,120
Lindsay, last word to you. 
Well, one of the things which 

389
00:24:28,120 --> 00:24:32,840
the the Americas and the 
Israelis disagree on actually is

390
00:24:32,840 --> 00:24:36,800
Syria, because Israel is 
controlling a small section of 

391
00:24:36,800 --> 00:24:39,160
Syria saying that they're there 
to support the Druze. 

392
00:24:39,160 --> 00:24:40,840
And that actually is a point of 
friction. 

393
00:24:41,080 --> 00:24:44,200
But I agree with Lena, I think 
that the future of the region is

394
00:24:44,200 --> 00:24:48,160
very looks very different now 
from how it did say 2-3 years 

395
00:24:48,160 --> 00:24:51,200
ago. 
And that is primarily because of

396
00:24:51,200 --> 00:24:55,200
Donald Trump's close association
both with the Gulf monarchies 

397
00:24:55,440 --> 00:24:58,400
and with Israel. 
And I think that as we look in 

398
00:24:58,400 --> 00:25:01,240
the coming years, those are the 
places which are going to 

399
00:25:01,240 --> 00:25:06,640
dictate what happens and we see 
declining power for Iran and for

400
00:25:06,640 --> 00:25:09,000
any countries which are allied 
with Iran. 

401
00:25:09,520 --> 00:25:12,360
Lindsay Leena Khatib, thank you 
so much for joining us. 

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00:25:12,360 --> 00:25:14,880
That is it from this episode of 
THE FORECAST. 

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00:25:14,880 --> 00:25:16,280
Until next time, goodbye.
