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The conclusion of Davos 2026 was
not marked by a return to quiet 

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diplomacy, but by a tactical 
retreat delivered with a 

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signature flourish of 
brinksmanship. 

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While President Trump chose to 
pull back from his immediate 

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tariff threats, ruling out 
military force for now, he used 

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his 80 minute address to 
explicitly demand the 

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acquisition of Greenland, 
stating I want to get Greenland 

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including right title and 
ownership for European capitals.

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This was less an Armistice than 
a tactical retreat by a leader 

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who views alliances as 
transactional and territory as 

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real estate. 
This territorial scuffle bubbled

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up and subsided with startling 
speed. 

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A weekend of maximalist threats 
against eight NATO allies led to

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a global $1 trillion market sell
off on Tuesday, only to be 

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followed by a framework deal at 
DAF of US on Wednesday. 

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Yet while the immediate pressure
has eased, Europe is left 

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wondering if or when this claim 
will be brought to the fore 

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again. 
The crisis has exposed A 

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fundamental breach of trust that
cannot be unseen. 

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For decades, the transatlantic 
alliance was an article of 

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faith. 
Today we worry that it's 

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increasingly being treated as a 
bilateral transaction, where 

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security is a product and allies
are spongers. 

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This breakdown in trust feels 
particularly jarring because, on

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paper, a conflict between such 
deeply integrated partners makes

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absolutely no sense whatsoever. 
It brings to mind the central 

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argument of Norman angels. 
Nineteen O 9 book The Great 

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Illusion, Angel correctly 
identified that the world had 

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entered an era of globalization 
where economic interdependence 

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made war amongst great powers 
fundamentally irrational. 

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He famously illustrated the 
absurdity of modern conflict by 

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pointing out that Lloyds of 
London insured the German 

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merchant marine. 
Should war break out, the 

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British Navy would effectively 
be sinking ships that British 

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insurers would then have to pay 
for. 

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Angel argued that in a credit 
based global economy, an invader

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could not seize A neighbour's 
wealth without destroying the 

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foundational systems of exchange
that supported their own 

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prosperity. 
While his logic was 

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indisputable, and while every 
state leader agreed with his 

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conclusions, history 
demonstrated just five years 

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later that just because a 
conflict is economically self 

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defeating does not mean that it 
won't happen. 

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We're facing a similar paradox 
today. 

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While our current era feels 
significantly more nervous than 

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the world of 19/09, the lesson 
remains economic logic is no 

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longer a reliable guardrail when
trust is replaced by coercion. 

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In just 12 months, the nervous 
energy in Europe has transformed

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into a profound strategic 
recalculation. 

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As The Economist has observed, 
the continent has moved rapidly 

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through a terrifying progression
from wondering if it can defend 

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alongside America to questioning
if it can defend without America

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to finally ask, asking what it 
must do to defend itself from 

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America. 
The Greenland crisis was the 

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catalyst for this realization. 
To risk the stability of the 

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entire Western alliance over 
ownership of an island to which 

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the US already enjoys 
unparalleled military access, 

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and where U.S. companies are 
already exploring mineral 

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potential, suggests that we've 
moved beyond policy 

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disagreements and into the realm
of coercion. 

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Beyond the Greenland dispute, 
the broader geopolitical 

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landscape seems to have shifted 
towards a state of profound 

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anxiety. 
It was once unthinkable to 

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imagine Canada. 
Traditionally the US is most 

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steadfast partner, wargaming A 
defensive strategy against its 

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southern neighbor. 
Yet the current climate has 

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forced such contingencies into 
the war room. 

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For Europe, accepting this new 
reality means acknowledging that

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strategic autonomy is no longer 
a distant ideal, but an urgent 

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necessity for survival. 
However, building this autonomy 

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will be a massive task, taking 
years if not decades, as both 

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Europe and the United States 
plug critical gaps in their 

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military capabilities. 
The transition from the 

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efficiencies of global 
integration towards a world of 

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autarky, a self-sufficient 
driven by mutual fear, will 

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impose heavy costs. 
While the fiscal strain on 

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national budgets will be 
immense, the burden will 

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ultimately be felt by every 
consumer through higher prices 

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and by every business through a 
fragmented, more expensive 

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landscape for trade. 
While the Davos climbed down has

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lowered the immediate 
temperature, it hasn't erased 

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the need to refine the war room 
plans drafted in European 

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capitals when the thread of 
economic warfare and annexation 

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first hit the wires. 
Europe's defensive arsenal 

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against American economic 
coercion is built on the 

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realization that if trust is no 
longer the currency of the 

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alliance, hard financial 
leverage must take its place. 

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This is not an act of 
aggression, but a reluctant 

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strategic recalculation, a way 
for the European Union to assert

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it's status as a peer level 
economy rather than a collection

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of expendable vassals, the 
realization has said in that 

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relying on shared history is no 
longer a viable risk management 

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strategy. 
If the US is going to treat the 

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alliance as a series of 
transactional shakedowns, Europe

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has found that it's in 
everyone's interest to ensure 

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the costs of those transactions 
are prohibitively high. 

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The financial nuclear option is 
a phrase that has dominated the 

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headlines, though it's important
to note that it wasn't a policy 

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proposal put forth by any 
European head of state. 

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Instead, the idea of weaponizing
Europe's 2.84 trillion in 

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Treasury holdings originated in 
the research departments of one 

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of the very institutions that 
manage them. 

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George Saravellos, the global 
head of FX research at Deutsche 

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Bank, sparked the debate with a 
blunt memo titled Europe Owns 

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Greenland. 
It also owns a lot of 

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Treasuries. 
Arguing that the US is reliance 

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on foreign creditors to pay its 
bills is its ultimate 

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geopolitical weakness. 
This sentiment was echoed by 

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Rebecca Patterson of the Council
on Foreign Relations, who 

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suggested that even if a total 
sell off is unrealistic, Europe 

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could send a devastating signal 
by simply scaling back exposure 

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through government affiliated 
investors like public pension 

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funds. 
This argument gained enough 

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traction that Treasury Secretary
Scott Percent felt compelled to 

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address it at Davos, dismissing 
the talk as media hysteria and a

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false narrative that defied 
logic. 

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For all the talk of hysteria, 
some investors weren't just 

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listening, they were acting. 
In the frantic week of the 

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Greenland crisis, a Danish 
pension fund announced that it 

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was divesting its entire $100 
million portfolio of U.S. 

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government bonds, citing the 
poor health of US public 

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finances and the 
unpredictability of the 

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administration. 
More significantly, the Swedish 

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pension giant Elector confirmed 
that it had trimmed its holdings

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by by roughly $7 billion to 9 
billion, explicitly citing the 

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reduced predictability in 
American policy making as a 

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growing risk factor. 
The question, then, is no longer

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just whether the idea is on the 
table, but whether it's actually

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a viable weapon. 
So let's look at whether Europe 

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could actually follow through 
with a coordinated strike like 

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this, or if the financial 
realities of the 21st century 

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make this a suicide pact. 
Beyond the bond market, Europe 

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has been readying its anti 
coercion instrument, a trade 

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bazooka specifically designed to
counter economic blackmail. 

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It's a stark reflection of the 
current state of affairs that 

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this tool was originally 
conceived to defend the bloc 

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against authoritarian pressure 
from China and Russia. 

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It was first proposed after 
Beijing attempted to blackmail 

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Lithuania by cutting off trade 
over its ties with Taiwan. 

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Seeing it now discussed as a 
primary defense against the 

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United States, traditionally a 
European ally, represents A 

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surprising and historic shift in
the transatlantic relationship. 

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What makes the ACI so potent is 
its ability to bypass the usual 

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veto power that often paralyzes 
European foreign policy. 

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Unlike most security decisions 
that require unanimous consent, 

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the ACI operates through 
qualified majority voting, which

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means that while 55% of member 
states representing 65% of the 

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total population must agree, a 
single dissenting capital can no

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longer block a unified response.
It turns European trade policy 

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into a centralized one for all, 
all for one defense system. 

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This tool allows Brussels to 
move past simple tit for tat 

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tariffs and unleash a far 
broader menu of countermeasures.

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For instance, the EU could 
legally bar US tech firms from 

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bidding on massive public 
procurement contracts for 

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hospitals, schools and digital 
infrastructure, markets where 

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American vendors currently enjoy
a substantial share. 

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They could also choose to 
restrict or outright close 

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access to the EU's 450 million 
consumer market for U.S. 

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financial services, hitting Wall
Street banks and venture capital

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funds where it hurts. 
In perhaps the most radical move

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available, the ACI even allows 
Europe to revoke the 

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intellectual property rights of 
companies from the coercing 

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country. 
This would effectively jailbreak

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American software and hardware, 
allowing European firms to 

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legally ignore US patents and 
commercial protections within 

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the single market. 
While the trade bazooka targets 

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the digital and financial 
software of the modern economy, 

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Europe has also been identifying
the industrial hardware 

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bottlenecks where the US remains
critically dependent on Europe. 

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The centrepiece of this strategy
is the Dutch firm ASML, which 

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holds a global monopoly on the 
EUV lithography machines needed 

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to manufacture the world's most 
advanced computer chips. 

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Analysts are increasingly 
describing ASML as Europe's 

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version of rare earths, a unique
technological gatekeeper that 

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gives Brussels a massive say in 
the global AI race. 

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If Europe were to restrict the 
export, or even more subtly the 

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servicing of these machines, it 
would strike a direct blow to 

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the Silicon Valley innovation 
engine that the White House 

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views as its primary strategic 
asset. 

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As you'll start to see with many
of these solutions, the ASML 

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chokehold is more of a mutual 
leash. 

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While the machines are designed 
and built in the Netherlands, 

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they are filled with American 
made components like the 

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high-powered Cymer lasers from 
San Diego. 

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Under the Foreign Direct Product
rule, Washington could veto the 

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export of any product that 
contains a significant amount of

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US technology. 
So if Brussels tries to use ASML

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as a weapon, the US can 
essentially brick the production

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line by cutting off the American
parts and software updates that 

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keep those machines alive. 
Leverage isn't just found in 

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high end silicon, it's also in 
more basic industrial feedstocks

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that keep American manufacturing
humming. 

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The EU has already been treating
aluminium and steel scrap as a 

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critical secondary raw material,
moving to restrict its export. 

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This would hit the US steel 
makers who rely on using 

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recycled materials to keep their
energy costs down. 

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By cutting off the flow of 
specialized chemicals and 

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industrial products, Europe is 
signaling that it can clog the 

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arteries of American industry 
just as effectively as any 

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digital lockout. 
Finally, there's the most 

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conventional part of the 
arsenal, the €93 billion or $108

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billion retaliatory list of 
tariffs originally drafted after

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the Liberation Day shock of last
year. 

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Liberation Day is on April 1st 
for those who celebrate it. 

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These aren't just randomly 
applied to drive up costs on 

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European consumers. 
They're carefully calibrated to 

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maximize political pain in 
America while minimizing the 

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price tag for European voters. 
By targeting soybeans, for 

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example, the EU is sending a 
direct message to the 

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agricultural heartland that 
supports Republican leaders like

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House Speaker Mike Johnson. 
The list also features the 

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classic targets, iconic American
products like Harley-Davidson 

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motorcycles, Levi's jeans, and 
American whiskey. 

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These were chosen precisely 
because they're easily replaced 

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by European, Japanese, or South 
American alternatives. 

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The goal is to make the trade 
war feel expensive to the 

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average American voter while 
ensuring that the European side 

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of the Ledger remains balanced. 
As effective as this arsenal of 

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trade weapons might appear at 
first glance, it's mostly built 

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on a series of macroeconomic 
myths. 

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In the high stakes theatre of 
Davos, the threat of a Treasury 

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dump or a tariff wall makes for 
great headlines. 

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But as the dust settles, the 
economic reality is far more 

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sobering. 
The argument that a massive sell

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off of U.S. debt by European 
bondholders would spike interest

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rates and bankrupt the US who 
are highly indebted and trying 

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to reduce the interest rate on 
the massive deficit spending 

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doesn't hold up to scrutiny. 
For starters, the act of dumping

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bonds on such a scale is 
inherently self defeating. 

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By flooding the market, you 
drive down the price of the very

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assets you're trying to exit, 
essentially setting fire to your

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own portfolio to spite your 
neighbor. 

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Furthermore, once you've dumped 
the bonds, you're left with U.S.

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dollars. 
You now need to find another 

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currency to store trillions of 
dollars of wealth in. 

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There simply aren't many 
economies with open capital 

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accounts liquid enough to absorb
trillions in savings. 

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Large alternatives like China or
India have strict capital 

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controls in place. 
Even if you pivoted to trillions

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in Japanese bonds, Tokyo would 
likely just recycle those funds 

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back into U.S. 
Treasuries, leaving you 

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indirectly exposed. 
It just wouldn't work. 

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00:15:40,120 --> 00:15:43,800
The economist Michael Pettis 
makes a more sophisticated 

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argument about why this wouldn't
work. 

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He argues that the threat to 
weaponize Treasuries is a dud 

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because foreign capital inflows 
are not a gift to the US, but 

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instead a burden. 
The inflows force the US to run 

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massive trade deficits and pile 
up debt just to balance the 

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global Ledger. 
He explains that you can't 

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00:16:06,720 --> 00:16:09,600
change your capital account 
without changing the trade 

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account and you can't change 
external imbalances without also

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changing internal imbalances. 
According to Pettis, suppression

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of consumption in China and 
other export driven countries 

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leads to huge trade surpluses in
their countries and thus to 

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large deficits abroad. 
His argument is that when 

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capital is not being drawn into 
a country by the need for 

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00:16:34,720 --> 00:16:38,680
investment, but instead is being
pushed in to compensate for 

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00:16:38,680 --> 00:16:42,640
imbalances abroad, like China 
exporting way more than they 

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00:16:42,640 --> 00:16:47,120
import, the foreign capital 
doesn't fund investment, it 

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indirectly funds the consumer or
fiscal borrowing. 

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00:16:51,280 --> 00:16:55,400
He argues that if export driven 
economy stopped storing their 

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excess savings in American 
bonds, it would likely help the 

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00:16:59,200 --> 00:17:03,400
US by forcing its trade deficit 
to shrink and its domestic 

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savings to rise. 
This leads into what Martin Wolf

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00:17:07,440 --> 00:17:11,400
of the Financial Times describes
as the lunacy of the current 

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tariff obsession. 
Wolf argues that Trump's tariffs

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can't actually save American 
industry. 

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They'll simply shift domestic 
production away from the 

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efficient production of 
exportable goods towards the 

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less efficient production of 
import substitutes. 

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You might protect a few specific
factories this way, but you do 

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it by making the rest of the 
country poorer and less 

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competitive. 
Richard Salmons of the Brookings

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00:17:40,160 --> 00:17:43,560
Institute takes this idea 
further, arguing that the 

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problem is that world leaders 
are trying to use microeconomic 

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tools like tariffs under Trump 
and subsidies under Biden to 

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fight a macroeconomic war. 
These trade tools are blunt 

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00:17:56,360 --> 00:18:00,240
instruments being used to 
address a system that's actually

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00:18:00,240 --> 00:18:03,360
suffering from a massive 
imbalance between what different

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00:18:03,360 --> 00:18:07,280
nations save and what they 
invest, which is mostly driven 

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00:18:07,480 --> 00:18:09,760
by consumption suppression 
abroad. 

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00:18:09,960 --> 00:18:14,160
He argues that these tools treat
the superficial symptoms of the 

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underlying problem with an over 
prescription of an outmoded 

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00:18:17,960 --> 00:18:21,840
medicine that runs the risk of 
precipitating A cascading 

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00:18:21,840 --> 00:18:24,400
failure of the patient's vital 
functions. 

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00:18:24,720 --> 00:18:28,880
Salmons argues that the time is 
ripe for a new deal, not unlike 

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the Plaza and Louvre Accords of 
the 1980s, to be struck among 

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the major economic powers which 
would strengthen the growth and 

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00:18:37,160 --> 00:18:40,840
stability of the world economy, 
an outcome that would be greatly

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in the national interests of 
Europe, China, and the United 

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00:18:44,120 --> 00:18:47,480
States. 
The US does want to see trade 

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rebalanced, Europe is prepared 
to do its part, and China does 

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00:18:51,800 --> 00:18:55,720
seem to have recognized after 
wave upon wave of supply side 

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investment stimulus that it is 
no choice but to boost domestic 

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consumption in order to maintain
sufficient growth in output and 

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00:19:04,000 --> 00:19:07,560
employment. 
My worry is that people in 

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positions to make these changes 
don't understand the nature of 

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the problem and believe the 
tariffs or subsidies will fix 

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00:19:15,200 --> 00:19:18,320
everything. 
As Martin Wolf points out, the 

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00:19:18,320 --> 00:19:23,040
interaction of U.S. trade policy
with its fiscal policy offset 

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00:19:23,040 --> 00:19:25,200
each other. 
The tariffs are supposed to 

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00:19:25,200 --> 00:19:29,040
reduce, if not eliminate, trade 
deficits, while the large 

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00:19:29,040 --> 00:19:32,680
external deficits mean by 
definition that the country's 

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00:19:32,680 --> 00:19:36,480
spending more than its income, 
meaning that it has to buy from 

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00:19:36,480 --> 00:19:39,440
abroad. 
With the US economy running 

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00:19:39,440 --> 00:19:44,040
close to its potential with very
low unemployment, no further 

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00:19:44,040 --> 00:19:48,520
quick way to raise incomes 
exists, so reducing the external

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00:19:48,520 --> 00:19:52,280
deficit would require reductions
in national spending. 

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00:19:53,080 --> 00:19:57,320
Ultimately, the attacks and 
counterattacks, meaning the US 

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00:19:57,320 --> 00:20:01,160
tariffs and the European 
retaliations, simply make 

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00:20:01,160 --> 00:20:03,960
everyone poorer. 
The true danger, as The 

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00:20:03,960 --> 00:20:07,600
Economist notes, isn't just the 
shrinking GDP. 

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00:20:07,800 --> 00:20:11,400
It's the permanent evaporation 
of trust between historically 

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00:20:11,400 --> 00:20:15,520
friendly nations. 
If we enter an era of autarky 

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00:20:15,520 --> 00:20:18,880
where every nation feels 
compelled to build its own 

316
00:20:18,880 --> 00:20:24,120
redundant, expensive and fragile
fortress economy, it's no longer

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00:20:24,120 --> 00:20:27,080
about more expensive soy or 
motorcycles. 

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00:20:27,240 --> 00:20:30,920
It's about the end of the 
efficiency first era, where we 

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00:20:30,920 --> 00:20:35,000
trade the gains of global trade 
for the expense of redundant 

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00:20:35,000 --> 00:20:39,800
safety of the bunker as capital 
is diverted in the US and Europe

321
00:20:39,800 --> 00:20:43,240
to military spending. 
We find ourselves moving from a 

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00:20:43,240 --> 00:20:47,240
world of the great illusion 
where we believed that economic 

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00:20:47,240 --> 00:20:51,800
ties made war impossible, to a 
world where the new illusion is 

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00:20:51,800 --> 00:20:55,160
that anyone can actually win in 
this scenario of growing 

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00:20:55,160 --> 00:20:58,440
hostility between formerly 
friendly nations. 

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00:20:59,000 --> 00:21:02,880
The Economist warns that while 
Trump backed down at Davos, 

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00:21:03,040 --> 00:21:07,040
Europeans should still heed the 
language in his speech, which 

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00:21:07,040 --> 00:21:11,400
betrayed an ominous contempt for
Europe and for the value to 

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00:21:11,400 --> 00:21:15,360
America of the transatlantic 
alliance as it works today. 

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00:21:15,800 --> 00:21:19,160
They warn that if the rest of 
the world decides that they can 

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00:21:19,160 --> 00:21:23,480
no longer trust America, 
Germany, Japan, Poland and South

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00:21:23,480 --> 00:21:27,920
Korea would rush to rearm and 
possibly seek nuclear weapons. 

333
00:21:28,440 --> 00:21:32,640
Proliferation, they argue, would
curb the value of America's own 

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00:21:32,640 --> 00:21:35,400
arsenal and inhibited 
statecraft. 

335
00:21:35,760 --> 00:21:40,280
They argue that China and Russia
won't necessarily agree with Mr.

336
00:21:40,280 --> 00:21:43,800
Trump on where America's 
influence ends and theirs 

337
00:21:43,800 --> 00:21:48,080
begins, and this might lead to a
war so devastating that America 

338
00:21:48,080 --> 00:21:51,360
could not stay out of that. 
Thanks for tuning into the 

339
00:21:51,360 --> 00:21:55,120
podcast, with special thanks to 
my supporters on Patreon whose 

340
00:21:55,120 --> 00:21:57,600
financial support keeps this 
whole thing going. 

341
00:21:57,840 --> 00:22:01,040
If you enjoy the podcast, I'd 
really appreciate you giving it 

342
00:22:01,040 --> 00:22:04,520
a five star rating or writing a 
short review on whatever 

343
00:22:04,520 --> 00:22:08,240
platform you listen on, as that 
should help the podcast grow. 

344
00:22:08,440 --> 00:22:10,800
Have a great week and talk to 
you again soon. 

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00:22:10,960 --> 00:22:11,280
Bye.
